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Published on: 2/22/2005
Last Visited: 12/1/2007
A few miles away, FBI agents watched as Larry Franklin, an Iran expert and career employee of the Defense Intelligence Agency, drove up to the Ritz-Carlton hotel across the Potomac from Washington.A trim man of fifty-six, with a tangle of blond hair speckled gray, Franklin had left his modest home in Kearneysville, West Virginia, shortly before dawn that morning to make the eighty-mile commute to his job at the Pentagon.Since 2002, he had been working in the Office of Special Plans, a crowded warren of blue cubicles on the building's fifth floor.
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But an attack on Iraq would require something that alarmed Franklin and other neoconservatives almost as much as weapons of mass destruction: detente with Iran.
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Franklin,a devout neoconservative who had been brought into Feith's office because of his political beliefs,was hoping to undermine those talks.
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As FBI agents looked on, Franklin entered the restaurant at the Ritz and joined two other Americans who were also looking for ways to push the U.S. into a war with Iran.
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Over breakfast at the Ritz-Carlton, Franklin told the two lobbyists about a draft of a top-secret National Security Presidential Directive that dealt with U.S. policy on Iran.
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Now, unwilling to play by the rules any longer, Franklin was taking the extraordinary,and illegal,step of passing on highly classified information to lobbyists for a foreign state.Unable to win the internal battle over Iran being waged within the administration, a member of Feith's secret unit in the Pentagon was effectively resorting to treason, recruiting AIPAC to use its enormous influence to pressure the president into adopting the draft directive and wage war against Iran.
It was a role that AIPAC was eager to play.Rosen, recognizing that Franklin could serve as a useful spy, immediately began plotting ways to plant him in the White House,specifically in the National Security Council, the epicenter of intelligence and national-security policy.
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Knowing that such a maneuver was well within AIPAC's capabilities, Franklin asked Rosen to "put in a good word" for him.
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Weeks later, in December, a plane carrying Ledeen traveled to Rome with two other members of Feith's secret Pentagon unit: Larry Franklin and Harold Rhode, a prot,g, of Ledeen who has been called the "theoretician of the neocon movement."
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Ledeen, Franklin and Rhode were taking a page from Feith's playbook on Iraq: They needed a front group of exiles and dissidents to call for the overthrow of Iran.
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The FBI also had its sights on Larry Franklin, who continued to hold clandestine meetings with Rosen at AIPAC.
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On March 10th, 2003, barely a week before the invasion of Iraq, Rosen met Franklin in Washington's cavernous Union Station.
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As an added precaution, Franklin also began sending faxes to Rosen's home instead of to his AIPAC offices.
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Over lunch in the mirrored dining room, the three men discussed the Post article, and Rosen acknowledged "the constraints" Franklin was under to meet with them.
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"You set the agenda," Franklin told Rosen.
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In addition to meeting Rosen and Weissman, Franklin was also getting together regularly with Naor Gilon, an Israeli embassy official who, according to a senior U.S. counterintelligence official, "showed every sign of being an intelligence agent."
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Franklin and Gilon would normally meet amid the weight machines and punching bags at the Pentagon Officers Athletic Club, where Franklin passed along secret information regarding Iran's activities in Iraq, its missile-testing program and even, apparently, New York Times reporter Judith Miller.
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Franklin and Gilon would normally meet amid the weight machines and punching bags at the Pentagon Officers Athletic Club, where Franklin passed along secret information regarding Iran's activities in Iraq, its missile-testing program and even, apparently, New York Times reporter Judith Miller.
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A week later, Franklin had lunch in the Pentagon cafeteria with the former top Israeli spy.
V. Iran's Double Agent
Larry Franklin, it turns out, wasn't the only person involved in the Pentagon's covert operation who was exchanging state secrets with other governments.As the FBI monitored Franklin and his clandestine dealings with AIPAC, it was also investigating another explosive case of espionage linked to Feith's office and Iran.
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The revelation shocked Franklin and other members of Feith's office.
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Franklin needed to control the damage, and fast.He was one of the very few in the government who knew that it was the NSA code-breaking information that Chalabi was suspected of passing to Iran, and that there was absolute proof that Chalabi had met with a covert Iranian agent involved in operations against the U.S.To protect those in the Pentagon working for regime change in Tehran, Franklin needed to get out a simple message: We didn't know about Chalabi's secret dealings with Iran.
Franklin decided to leak the information to a friendly contact in the media: Adam Ciralsky, a CBS producer who had been fired from the CIA, allegedly for his close ties to Israel.
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On May 21st, the day after CBS broadcast its exclusive report on Chalabi, Franklin phoned Ciralsky and fed him the information.
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That night, Stahl followed up her original report with "new details",the information leaked earlier that day by Franklin.
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Soon after the broadcast, David Szady's team at the FBI decided to wrap up its investigation before Franklin leaked any more information.
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Agents quietly confronted Franklin with the taped phone call and pressured him to cooperate in a sting operation directed at AIPAC and members of Feith's team in the Pentagon.
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Franklin, facing a long prison sentence, agreed.On August 4th, 2005, Rosen and Weissman were indicted, and on January 20th, 2006, Franklin, who had earlier pleaded guilty, was sentenced to twelve years and seven months in prison.
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So far, however, Franklin is the only member of Feith's team to face charges.
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In the end, the work of Franklin and the other members of Feith's secret office had the desired effect.
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And if Netanyahu was on the money, then his close friend Larry 'Pull It' Silverstein was in the money.