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This profile was last updated on 11/15/07  and contains information from public web pages.
 
Background

Employment History

  • Chief
    St&
  • Minister
    Marine
  • Chief of Naval Staff
    Ottoman Navy
  • Military Representative
    Ottoman army

Board Memberships and Affiliations

  • Member
Web References
(DYER-"NATIONALIST" TURKS) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide
www.tallarmeniantale.com, 15 Nov 2007 [cached]
Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the driving force and the overall head of the enterprise, with Rauf Bey (a naval officer) as his chief political assistant.
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Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatürk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inonü], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37.
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Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatürk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inonü], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37.
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The two officers agreed that the counter-revolution was the direct consequence of the evil effects of soldiers participating in politics, a conclusion confirmed by the special court of inquiry into the causes of the uprising, of which Rauf was a member. Kemal and Rauf found other young officers in Istanbul at this time in whom the events of the past year had created strong opinions about the necessity of separating politics from the Army.
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There was Kazim Karabekir, Kemal's classmate at the Staff College and a friend of Rauf's since before the Revolution. He had participated in the founding of the CUP centres in Monastir and Edirne and was now Chief of St& of the Hareket Ordusu's Edirne contingent.
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Rauf Bey later noted: 'Having seen [the consequences of soldiers becoming involved in politics], we firmly resolved that from that day forward .. . our most important and sacred duty to the fatherland and people would be to use our influence and authority to prevent soldiers from mixing in politics. This course of action of ours-just as had been the case with Mustafa Kemal Bey previously-was ill-received.
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LIKE ENVER, BOTH KEMAL AND FETHI SERVED in Libya in 1911-12 in the guerrilla war which the Ottomans launched there after the Italian seizure (Rauf was in charge of running guns and supplies into Libya).
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The remainder of the group which had gathered around Icema1 in 1909 were more sincere in their detestation of political intrigue in the Army, and in any case (with the exception of Rauf, an Anglophile with an unshakable conviction of the necessity of the separation of the military from politics) were too junior and too distant from Istanbul during most of the next five years to be tempted to meddle in politics.
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Rauf left Istanbul a few days later to serve as Ottoman military representative at the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations together with Izzet Pasha, now returned from the Caucasian front.
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Kemal's alarm when Rauf told him that Enver knew what had passed between Fethi and Talat is clear proof of his purpose in this affair.
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Rauf calmed him by telling him of Enver's willingness to overlook the matter, but could not resist delivering a lecture on the principle of non-interference by the military in political affairs on which they had previously been in agreement.
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Rauf was among those who saw Kemal off to Palestine; just before the train left Kemal drew him aside and asked him to stay in touch with Fethi and follow events closely.
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Rauf replied almost stiffly: 'I have made a definite decision not to mix in political affairs so long as I am performing military duties, and I repeat: though I have known Fethi Bey since the [1918] Revolution, I find it wrong to become involved in his political dealings.' [ 29] There is not much doubt that what Kemal was expecting at this time, and what may have been decided already between him and Fethi, was that the latter would soon make his move against Talat's Cabinet.
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Otherwise it is not improbable that we will lose control of the country and it will be exposed to deadly perils. . .I respectfully submit that if Tevfik Pasha has really run into difficulties it is necessary to make Izzet Pasha Prime Minister at once and to form a cabinet composed of Fethi, Tahsin, Rauf, Canbulat, Azmi, Sheyhülislam Hayri and myself.
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But this tendency was no doubt strengthened by the fact that Izzet Pasha knew, liked, and trusted Rauf Bey, who had accompanied him to Brest-Litovsk, and asked Rauf to help him in getting a cabinet together. [35] Rauf had recently resigned as Chief of Naval Staff in protest at German domination of the Ottoman Navy, and was recovering from influenza when Izzet summoned him on the 10th.
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Then Rauf proposed that Kemal be made either Minister of War or Chief of the General Staff.
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Rauf became Minister of Marine (and hence of the Navy).
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Rauf was Minister of Marine and in control of the Navy, and the Finance Minister Cavid Bey, who had been one of Talat's closest allies and an enemy of Enver's, could be relied upon to support them within fairly wide limits.
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Rauf had been chosen as chief Ottoman armistice delegate, and had arrived at the British battleship Agamemnon at Moudros harbour on Lemnos on [ 27] October to begin talks. The armistice that was signed three days later, to take effect on the 31st, granted the Entente virtually unlimited rights over the whole Empire, including the right to occupy any or all points in it, and it teemed with obscurities and imprecisions which gave the Entente ample scope to interpret its meaning entirely as it chose. The tragedy of this armistice for the Turks, though of course they did not know it, was that for reasons of their own the British had been prepared to grant very generous terms indeed, and their negotiator was under instructions to try only for such further provisions as would not imperil the swift conclusion of the armistice. He had been given four compulsory but quite reasonable terms and twenty optional terms, some of them extremely harsh; with minor and meaningless modifications he extracted the full twenty-four terms from the Turks.
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Their experience of the application of the armistice terms had already awakened in them-especially in Kemal, Rauf, and Ali Fuad-the conviction that the Entente's purpose was the destruction of the Empire and that resistance would be necessary.
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20. Kemal, Talat, and the secret military force in Istanbul: 'Rauf', YT, 11, 337-38, 368; Rauf heard the details of this story from Ismail Canbulat.
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