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Wrong Ismet Bey?

Ismet Bey

Naval Officer

Tall Armenian Tale

Email: i***@***.com

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I agree to the Terms of Service and Privacy Policy. I understand that I will receive a subscription to ZoomInfo Community Edition at no charge in exchange for downloading and installing the ZoomInfo Contact Contributor utility which, among other features, involves sharing my business contacts as well as headers and signature blocks from emails that I receive.

Tall Armenian Tale

1320 Braddock Place

Alexandria, Virginia,22314

United States

Company Description

Tall Armenian Tale, or T.A.T., attempts to provide The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide... Tat for Tit. TAT is aware nearly everyone in the West has been accustomed to getting Tit for Tat. It's difficult to persuade anyone to even consider Tat, when that p...more

Background Information

Employment History

Minister

Greek Navy


Web References(7 Total References)


(DYER-"NATIONALIST" TURKS) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide

tallarmeniantale.com [cached]

Ismet Bey was the Chief of the General Staff at Ankara and then Ali Fuad's successor on the Western Front.
There was Refet Bey, a young gendarmerie officer at Kemal's headquarters who had worked with Fethi and Keinal before the Revolution; and Ismet Bey, a youthful staff officer whom Fethi and Refet recruited to the CUP and who had later cooperated with Kizim in founding the Society's organization in Edirne; there was Rauf's friend since childhood, Selgnattin Adil Bey. Together the young staff officers signed a note condemning the intrusion of politics into the Army, and Ismet Bey presented it to the army commander Mahhud Shevket Pasha. He accepted it, and even instructed Ismet to write an order to the forces under his command laying down this principle. Furthermore he communicated the contents of the note to the other Ottoman Army commanders for their consideration, but it had no discernible effect in either his own army or the others. Refet Bey was chosen to head this commission; Ismet and Kazim marshalled the support of their fellow officers in Edirne behind Kemal, and the commission returned in a few days to report that the Second Army supported Kemal's thesis.


(DYER-"NATIONALIST" TURKS) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide

tallarmeniantale.com [cached]

Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the driving force and the overall head of the enterprise, with Rauf Bey (a naval officer) as his chief political assistant.
Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatrk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inon], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37. Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatrk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inon], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37. The two officers agreed that the counter-revolution was the direct consequence of the evil effects of soldiers participating in politics, a conclusion confirmed by the special court of inquiry into the causes of the uprising, of which Rauf was a member. Kemal and Rauf found other young officers in Istanbul at this time in whom the events of the past year had created strong opinions about the necessity of separating politics from the Army. There was Kazim Karabekir, Kemal's classmate at the Staff College and a friend of Rauf's since before the Revolution. He had participated in the founding of the CUP centres in Monastir and Edirne and was now Chief of St& of the Hareket Ordusu's Edirne contingent. Rauf Bey later noted: 'Having seen [the consequences of soldiers becoming involved in politics], we firmly resolved that from that day forward .. . our most important and sacred duty to the fatherland and people would be to use our influence and authority to prevent soldiers from mixing in politics. This course of action of oursjust as had been the case with Mustafa Kemal Bey previouslywas ill-received. LIKE ENVER, BOTH KEMAL AND FETHI SERVED in Libya in 1911-12 in the guerrilla war which the Ottomans launched there after the Italian seizure (Rauf was in charge of running guns and supplies into Libya). The remainder of the group which had gathered around Icema1 in 1909 were more sincere in their detestation of political intrigue in the Army, and in any case (with the exception of Rauf, an Anglophile with an unshakable conviction of the necessity of the separation of the military from politics) were too junior and too distant from Istanbul during most of the next five years to be tempted to meddle in politics. Rauf left Istanbul a few days later to serve as Ottoman military representative at the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations together with Izzet Pasha, now returned from the Caucasian front. Kemal's alarm when Rauf told him that Enver knew what had passed between Fethi and Talat is clear proof of his purpose in this affair. Rauf calmed him by telling him of Enver's willingness to overlook the matter, but could not resist delivering a lecture on the principle of non-interference by the military in political affairs on which they had previously been in agreement.


(TV) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide

www.tallarmeniantale.com [cached]

Whereas the Turkish commander of the Australian film was dark, scarred and sinister in appearance, the actor chosen for these Indiana Jones episodes was handsome (Turkish actor Haluk Bilginer, playing "Colonel Ismet Bey") and assertive.
In fact, when the end becomes clear based on the miscalculations of the German officer that Ismet Bey served under, the Turk angrily slams the German against the wall, and calls him an "idiot. (What a first!


(BRITAIN-ARMENIAN QUESTION) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide

www.tallarmeniantale.com [cached]

P.134: Rauf Bey during the actual negotiations with Calthrope at Mudros told that the Turkish opinion was looking for a square deal from the British: that frankly speaking the British could come up and secure the guns in the Dardanelles forts, but if Greeks also came to occupy the forts, it would mean a revolution in Turkey.
Surrender of garrisons in the Arab provinces should only be to a British Commander, because if the Turks surrendered to Arabs, they would be badly treated. He had a special request that the clause about the Allied occupation of the towns of Sis, Hajin, Zeitun and Aintab in Cilicia should be cancelled, otherwise on this the Government may fall.


(DYER-"NATIONALIST" TURKS) Tall Armenian Tale: The Other Side of the Falsified Genocide

tallarmeniantale.com [cached]

Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the driving force and the overall head of the enterprise, with Rauf Bey (a naval officer) as his chief political assistant.
Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatrk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inon], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37. Most prominent among these dissident officers were Brigadier Mustafa Kemal Pasha [Atatrk], 37, Brigadier Ali Fuad Pasha [Cebesoy], 36, (naval) Senior Captain Rauf Bey [Orbay], 39, Brigadier Kazim Karabekir Pasha, 36, Colonel Ismet Bey [Inon], 34, and Colonel Refet Bey [Bele], 37. The two officers agreed that the counter-revolution was the direct consequence of the evil effects of soldiers participating in politics, a conclusion confirmed by the special court of inquiry into the causes of the uprising, of which Rauf was a member. Kemal and Rauf found other young officers in Istanbul at this time in whom the events of the past year had created strong opinions about the necessity of separating politics from the Army. There was Kazim Karabekir, Kemal's classmate at the Staff College and a friend of Rauf's since before the Revolution. He had participated in the founding of the CUP centres in Monastir and Edirne and was now Chief of St& of the Hareket Ordusu's Edirne contingent. Rauf Bey later noted: 'Having seen [the consequences of soldiers becoming involved in politics], we firmly resolved that from that day forward .. . our most important and sacred duty to the fatherland and people would be to use our influence and authority to prevent soldiers from mixing in politics. This course of action of oursjust as had been the case with Mustafa Kemal Bey previouslywas ill-received. LIKE ENVER, BOTH KEMAL AND FETHI SERVED in Libya in 1911-12 in the guerrilla war which the Ottomans launched there after the Italian seizure (Rauf was in charge of running guns and supplies into Libya). The remainder of the group which had gathered around Icema1 in 1909 were more sincere in their detestation of political intrigue in the Army, and in any case (with the exception of Rauf, an Anglophile with an unshakable conviction of the necessity of the separation of the military from politics) were too junior and too distant from Istanbul during most of the next five years to be tempted to meddle in politics. Rauf left Istanbul a few days later to serve as Ottoman military representative at the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations together with Izzet Pasha, now returned from the Caucasian front. Kemal's alarm when Rauf told him that Enver knew what had passed between Fethi and Talat is clear proof of his purpose in this affair. Rauf calmed him by telling him of Enver's willingness to overlook the matter, but could not resist delivering a lecture on the principle of non-interference by the military in political affairs on which they had previously been in agreement. Rauf was among those who saw Kemal off to Palestine; just before the train left Kemal drew him aside and asked him to stay in touch with Fethi and follow events closely. Rauf replied almost stiffly: 'I have made a definite decision not to mix in political affairs so long as I am performing military duties, and I repeat: though I have known Fethi Bey since the [1918] Revolution, I find it wrong to become involved in his political dealings.' [29] There is not much doubt that what Kemal was expecting at this time, and what may have been decided already between him and Fethi, was that the latter would soon make his move against Talat's Cabinet. Otherwise it is not improbable that we will lose control of the country and it will be exposed to deadly perils. . .I respectfully submit that if Tevfik Pasha has really run into difficulties it is necessary to make Izzet Pasha Prime Minister at once and to form a cabinet composed of Fethi, Tahsin, Rauf, Canbulat, Azmi, Sheyhlislam Hayri and myself. But this tendency was no doubt strengthened by the fact that Izzet Pasha knew, liked, and trusted Rauf Bey, who had accompanied him to Brest-Litovsk, and asked Rauf to help him in getting a cabinet together. [35] Rauf had recently resigned as Chief of Naval Staff in protest at German domination of the Ottoman Navy, and was recovering from influenza when Izzet summoned him on the 10th. Then Rauf proposed that Kemal be made either Minister of War or Chief of the General Staff. Rauf became Minister of Marine (and hence of the Navy). Rauf was Minister of Marine and in control of the Navy, and the Finance Minister Cavid Bey, who had been one of Talat's closest allies and an enemy of Enver's, could be relied upon to support them within fairly wide limits. Rauf had been chosen as chief Ottoman armistice delegate, and had arrived at the British battleship Agamemnon at Moudros harbour on Lemnos on [27] October to begin talks. The armistice that was signed three days later, to take effect on the 31st, granted the Entente virtually unlimited rights over the whole Empire, including the right to occupy any or all points in it, and it teemed with obscurities and imprecisions which gave the Entente ample scope to interpret its meaning entirely as it chose. The tragedy of this armistice for the Turks, though of course they did not know it, was that for reasons of their own the British had been prepared to grant very generous terms indeed, and their negotiator was under instructions to try only for such further provisions as would not imperil the swift conclusion of the armistice. He had been given four compulsory but quite reasonable terms and twenty optional terms, some of them extremely harsh; with minor and meaningless modifications he extracted the full twenty-four terms from the Turks. Their experience of the application of the armistice terms had already awakened in themespecially in Kemal, Rauf, and Ali Fuadthe conviction that the Entente's purpose was the destruction of the Empire and that resistance would be necessary. 20. Kemal, Talat, and the secret military force in Istanbul: 'Rauf', YT, 11, 337-38, 368; Rauf heard the details of this story from Ismail Canbulat.


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