About | Free Trial

Last Update

2016-04-30T00:00:00.000Z

This profile was last updated on .

Is this you? Claim your profile.

Wrong Prabowo Subianto?

Mr. Prabowo Subianto

Chairman

Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia

Get ZoomInfo Grow

+ Get 10 Free Contacts a Month

I agree to the Terms of Service and Privacy Policy. I understand that I will receive a subscription to ZoomInfo Community Edition at no charge in exchange for downloading and installing the ZoomInfo Contact Contributor utility which, among other features, involves sharing my business contacts as well as headers and signature blocks from emails that I receive.

Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia

Background Information

Affiliations

Founder
Gerakan Indonesia Raya

Founder
Indonesia

Web References (200 Total References)


Having outmaneuvered Prabowo ...

www.insideindonesia.org [cached]

Having outmaneuvered Prabowo during the turbulent days of the transition, the former adjutant of Suharto was instrumental in helping Abdurrahman Wahid to an unexpected stint at the presidency in 1999.

...
Thus, merely two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed, for a short time at least, as if there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy.
Two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy
It did not take long for the two to attempt political comebacks. In 2004, Wiranto and Prabowo were both candidates in Golkar's national convention to select a presidential candidate. Wiranto in particular invested huge amounts of money at the convention in order to secure a place in Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election. In the end the former commander-in-chief of the armed forces did manage to win the convention, but he failed to make it all the way to the palace, finishing third in the presidential poll. Undeterred by the defeat, Wiranto then moved on to found his own party (Hanura) and soon began preparing for the next elections in 2009.
His old foe Prabowo, meanwhile, was not just sitting idly by. In fact, it seemed as if defeat at the Golkar convention had only whetted his appetite for politics. Watching Wiranto's activities carefully, Prabowo too began to get ready for the next elections. In contrast to his half-hearted campaign in 2004, however, this time he meant business. Assisted by a high-profile media consultancy firm from the United States, Prabowo crafted an elaborate strategy which he hoped would eventually elevate him to the highest office. The strategy consisted of three main pillars: first, mobilisation of support for his bid; second, enhancing name recognition for his organisational vehicle; and third, finding a niche in the political spectrum that he could use to distinguish himself from other candidates.
Finding the right vehicle
Prabowo's first step was to assume control over one of Indonesia's biggest mass organisations, the national farmers' association HKTI (Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia). Created during the New Order as a corporatist tool for Suharto to monitor Indonesia's millions of peasants, this organisation had descended into political oblivion after 1998, but its vague affiliation with the rural masses made it an ideal vehicle for Prabowo because it provided him with an opportunity to begin his image-building campaign by presenting himself as a champion of the poor. In December 2004 he was elected HKTI chairman with 309 out of 325 votes - never mind that he was not even a member of the association at that time.
The HKTI position provided Prabowo with valuable access to an organisational base, but with a view to the 2009 elections he needed more than the chairmanship of a mass organisation. Indonesia's electoral rules dictate that only candidates who are nominated by political parties are allowed to contest a presidential election, so in order to avoid dependence on the goodwill of an already existing party, he decided to emulate what various other retired generals had done before him: he created a new party of his own. And so Gerindra (Movement for a Great Indonesia) was born, a party with a fierce-looking Garuda eagle on its logo (the Garuda is the centrepiece of Indonesia's national coat of arms). From the day of its formation in February 2008, Gerindra dedicated itself almost exclusively to promoting the presidential ambitions of Prabowo Subianto.
...
Amongst the most prominent are Gleny Kairupan, a former intelligence officer with a dubious track record in East Timor, Muchdi Purwopranyoto, who despite his exoneration by a Jakarta court is widely believed to have masterminded the murder of human rights activist Munir in September 2004, and of course Prabowo himself, whose list of alleged crimes includes abduction, torture, and instigation of large-scale anti-Chinese riots.
...
For this reason, Gerindra and Prabowo caused particular alarm among human rights advocates, many of whom protested openly against his presidential campaign this year.
In order to dispel this image, Prabowo pursued an ingenious plan. To the disbelief of those human rights activists who now opposed his candidature, Prabowo approached some of his former victims and persuaded them to join his party.
...
The three men themselves have rejected all such speculation and simply maintained that after Prabowo had apologised to them, it was time to move on.
An unprecedented media campaign
For Prabowo, people like Haryano, Desmond and Pius represented important human capital that could be used in his bid for the presidency.
...
While other parties were still in the planning stage, Prabowo began to inundate the Indonesian public with an unparalleled bombardment of political advertisements.
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to statesmen ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to an array of past and present statesmen, ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama.
...
Throughout his media offensive, Prabowo portrayed himself as the only presidential contender capable of liberating Indonesia from the yoke of rural poverty, unemployment and foreign debt. So far, so predictable.
...
Even though Prabowo had implemented his campaign strategy meticulously from the start, Gerindra got less than five per cent of the vote (Wiranto's Hanura party fared even worse, achieving only about three per cent). A number of reasons probably account for this poor result, including persistent discomfort amongst many Indonesians about Prabowo's hardline image and his human rights record, as well as widespread apprehension about his links to the Suharto family.
...
In view of these measures taken by the incumbent president, it is hardly surprising that few of the millions of farmers and fisherfolk targeted by Prabowo saw a need for a radical overhaul of the economic system. Moreover, even those who may actually have seen this need were apparently reluctant to believe that the person to implement it would be, of all people, Prabowo Subianto, who, to put it lightly, is hardly famous for his philanthropy.
Another important reason for Prabowo's failure to push Gerindra to a better result was that his campaign was essentially regressive. Despite the professional outlook of the advertisements, Gerindra appeared to be preoccupied primarily with romanticising the past rather than outlining the future. This nostalgia was epitomised in a statement by Gerindra's deputy chairman Fadli Zon who maintained that Gerindra 'would like to rebuild Indonesia just like how it was in the past when people gained prosperity from agriculture and fishing'. Clearly, the election result showed that very few Indonesians share this desire to go back in time. Thus, it could be argued that Prabowo may have revolutionised the style of political advertising in Indonesia, but he failed to match his impressive style with a convincing message.
So Prabowo will not become Indonesia's next president, and neither will Wiranto. Does that mean that at long last there really is no place for these two in Indonesia's democracy? Not quite. Despite the clear verdict at the ballot box and poor approval ratings in most opinion polls, both Prabowo and Wiranto are running as vice-presidential candidates for Megawati and Jusuf Kalla respectively.


INDONESIA pRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2014

www.indonesia-digest.net [cached]

Prabowo Subianto

...
The loser, Prabowo Subianto, conceded defeat, but he continues to claim that the election was marred by massive fraud.
...
Prabowo Subianto
...
Prabowo Subianto is a former career soldier and ex-lieutenant general in Indonesia's Special Forces. He served in that post during the rule of former autocrat Suharto, to whose daughter he was once married. In 1998 he was discharged from military service for his alleged involvement in the kidnapping of democracy activists who protested against Mr. Suharto and eventually drove him from power. Mr. Subianto has denied any involvement.
In 2008 he co-founded the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and ran as the vice presidential candidate in the 2009 election on a ticket with then-president Megawati Sukarnoputri. Her party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, is backing Mr. Subianto's competitor, Joko Widodo.
...
Mr. Subianto is also the head of the Indonesian Farmers Association and is connected to the country's lucrative mining and palm oil industries through his brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, one of Indonesia's richest men.
...
The Indikator Politik Indonesia survey, which polled 1,220 people from April 22 to 26 with a margin of error of plus or minus 2.9 percentage points, found 29 percent would choose a team of Prabowo and Rajasa.
...
The Golkar Party has finally decided to throw its support behind Prabowo Subianto, the presidential candidate from the Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra, surprising many who had considered it more likely that Golkar would support Joko Widodo from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P.
...
Speaking at Rumah Polonia in East Jakarta, the house of former president Sukarno, Prabowo said his candidacy had received the support of the National Mandate Party, or PAN; the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS; the United Development Party, or PPP; and Golkar. "Indonesia's major political parties such as PAN, PKS, PPP and Golkar have decided to give their support to us," Prabowo said in a televised speech. "As a former soldier I feel like the past few months have been more exhausting - Indonesian politics is exhausting." "Today is a historic day for all of us because the leaders who will initiate the change in the nation have been officially declared," Gerindra chairman Suhardi said. "We ask for the blessings of all Indonesians for the candidacy of Prabowo and Hatta," he added, referring to Hatta Rajasa, the PAN chairman who will share Prabowo's ticket in the July 9 presidential election.
...
Suhardi said Prabowo and Hatta, with their respective military and business backgrounds, would make a compelling case to the Indonesian people.
...
"As a great nation Indonesia needs a leader with ideas and abilities to execute them and that can been seen in Prabowo and Hatta," he said.
...
Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie has communicated with Prabowo Subianto, it was decided last night."
The announcement by Prabowo that he had secured the support of Golkar is a boon to his campaign but it remains to be seen whether the support of Golkar's formidable election machine will translate into a boost in the polls.
...
Prabowo Subianto of the Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra, is also expected to register later today.
...
Just days after his high-profile meeting with Aburizal at his Bogor ranch, which ended in smiles and handshakes, Prabowo opted for Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa, also the chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Yudhoyono's in-law, as his running mate, while Joko is widely expected to pick former vice president and Golkar senior figure Jusuf Kalla.
...
Jakarta (ANTARA News) - The national leadership meeting of the United Development Party (PPP) has finally decided to support the presidential aspirant from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prabowo Subianto, stated PPP Chairman Suryadharma Ali. file:///M|/_EJI/__Websites/indodigest/2300elections2014prabowo.htm
"Finally, at the end of our meeting at 2 a.m., on Monday, we officially decided to support Prabowo Subianto as the presidential candidate in the July 9, 2014 presidential election," Suryadharma Ali remarked.
He noted that there were three options at the start of the meeting on Saturday: Prabowo, Joko "Jokowi" Widodo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), and Aburizal Bakrie of the Golkar party with PPP Deputy Chairman Lukman Hakim Saefuddin as Aburizals running mate.
But, the meeting, which was held on Saturday and lasted till early Monday morning, to determine the direction of its coalition finally decided to coalesce with Prabowo.
...
"I do not mind [being vice presidential candidate], and neither does Prabowo," Aburizal told reporters after a meeting with Prabowo in Hambalang in Bogor, West Java, on Monday.
...
"I do not mind [being vice presidential candidate], and neither does Prabowo," Aburizal told reporters after a meeting with Prabowo in Hambalang in Bogor, West Java, on Monday.
...
"Prabowo talked about his policies and they look good.
...
Prabowo on his part also indicated that his party would be looking into a potential political partnership with Golkar. "Soon we would like to have a political partnership. We are optimistic about doing something good for the people and for our country. We promise to meet and talk more," Prabowo said.
...
of that will be discussed tomorrow and of course it is likely the meeting [on Monday] with Prabowo will be discussed."
...
The latest survey by Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SRMC) showed that Joko remains the most electable candidate today, with Prabowo in second place.
...
"Without a vice president, Joko would earn 51.6 percent, while Prabowo would earn 35.7 percent.
...
Golkar-Gerindra Coalition's President: Aburizal Bakrie or Prabowo Subianto?
...
Prabowo Subianto, an ex-special forces general vying to be president, would build a "people economy" and boost funding tenfold for the agriculture industry that 70 percent of Indonesians depend on for a living, he said in an interview on March 19.
...
A document outlining the political commitment of PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri to support the presidential nomination of Prabowo - Gerindra Party chief patron - in the 2014 presidential election was leaked to the public only a day after the PDI-P announced the Jakarta governor's nomination on Friday, providing PDI-P's political opponents with a reason to question the integrity of the party and its leader.
The document, a copy of which was obtained by The Jakarta Post, contains seven articles and was signed by Megawati and Prabowo on May 16, 2009, the day they registered with the General Elections Commission (KPU) as presidential and vice presidential candidates for the 2009 presidential election.
...
Two articles, for example, stipulate that should Megawati and Prabowo win the 2009 election, the latter will be assigned to handle the country's economic policies and granted a right to handpick related ministers, including agriculture minister, finance minister and energy and mineral resources minister.
...
The last article, considered the most crucial point, mentions Megawati will "support the nomination of Prabowo Subianto as a presidential candidate in the 2014 presidential election". Prabowo is considered the most popular presidential candidate if Jokowi is taken out of the equation, according to various political surveys.
PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristianto said he had learned about the leaked document but refused to comment on its authenticity. He, however, did not deny all the agreements outlined in the document. "Such political agreements should be seen in the whole context, meaning all clauses in the document can only be implemented should the [Megawati-Prabowo] pair win the 2009 presidential election," he said.
...
Prabowo Subianto , the former commander of Indonesia's special forces and a leading candidate for president, tells me in a private meeting.
...
Among the potential presidential candidates, Prabowo has spoken most forcefully about the dangers of endemic graft and rising intolerance. He is also the person that many observers believe represents the country's best hope for curbing corruption and Islamic extremism before it leads to violence.
Talking privately with Western ambassadors and business leaders, it is striking how often somebody mentions that Prabowo could become the Indonesian version of Lee Kuan Yew - th


Having outmaneuvered Prabowo ...

www.insideindonesia.org [cached]

Having outmaneuvered Prabowo during the turbulent days of the transition, the former adjutant of Suharto was instrumental in helping Abdurrahman Wahid to an unexpected stint at the presidency in 1999.

...
Thus, merely two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed, for a short time at least, as if there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy.
Two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy
It did not take long for the two to attempt political comebacks. In 2004, Wiranto and Prabowo were both candidates in Golkar's national convention to select a presidential candidate. Wiranto in particular invested huge amounts of money at the convention in order to secure a place in Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election. In the end the former commander-in-chief of the armed forces did manage to win the convention, but he failed to make it all the way to the palace, finishing third in the presidential poll. Undeterred by the defeat, Wiranto then moved on to found his own party (Hanura) and soon began preparing for the next elections in 2009.
His old foe Prabowo, meanwhile, was not just sitting idly by. In fact, it seemed as if defeat at the Golkar convention had only whetted his appetite for politics. Watching Wiranto's activities carefully, Prabowo too began to get ready for the next elections. In contrast to his half-hearted campaign in 2004, however, this time he meant business. Assisted by a high-profile media consultancy firm from the United States, Prabowo crafted an elaborate strategy which he hoped would eventually elevate him to the highest office. The strategy consisted of three main pillars: first, mobilisation of support for his bid; second, enhancing name recognition for his organisational vehicle; and third, finding a niche in the political spectrum that he could use to distinguish himself from other candidates.
Finding the right vehicle
Prabowo's first step was to assume control over one of Indonesia's biggest mass organisations, the national farmers' association HKTI (Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia). Created during the New Order as a corporatist tool for Suharto to monitor Indonesia's millions of peasants, this organisation had descended into political oblivion after 1998, but its vague affiliation with the rural masses made it an ideal vehicle for Prabowo because it provided him with an opportunity to begin his image-building campaign by presenting himself as a champion of the poor. In December 2004 he was elected HKTI chairman with 309 out of 325 votes - never mind that he was not even a member of the association at that time.
The HKTI position provided Prabowo with valuable access to an organisational base, but with a view to the 2009 elections he needed more than the chairmanship of a mass organisation. Indonesia's electoral rules dictate that only candidates who are nominated by political parties are allowed to contest a presidential election, so in order to avoid dependence on the goodwill of an already existing party, he decided to emulate what various other retired generals had done before him: he created a new party of his own. And so Gerindra (Movement for a Great Indonesia) was born, a party with a fierce-looking Garuda eagle on its logo (the Garuda is the centrepiece of Indonesia's national coat of arms). From the day of its formation in February 2008, Gerindra dedicated itself almost exclusively to promoting the presidential ambitions of Prabowo Subianto.
...
Amongst the most prominent are Gleny Kairupan, a former intelligence officer with a dubious track record in East Timor, Muchdi Purwopranyoto, who despite his exoneration by a Jakarta court is widely believed to have masterminded the murder of human rights activist Munir in September 2004, and of course Prabowo himself, whose list of alleged crimes includes abduction, torture, and instigation of large-scale anti-Chinese riots.
...
For this reason, Gerindra and Prabowo caused particular alarm among human rights advocates, many of whom protested openly against his presidential campaign this year.
In order to dispel this image, Prabowo pursued an ingenious plan. To the disbelief of those human rights activists who now opposed his candidature, Prabowo approached some of his former victims and persuaded them to join his party.
...
The three men themselves have rejected all such speculation and simply maintained that after Prabowo had apologised to them, it was time to move on.
An unprecedented media campaign
For Prabowo, people like Haryano, Desmond and Pius represented important human capital that could be used in his bid for the presidency.
...
While other parties were still in the planning stage, Prabowo began to inundate the Indonesian public with an unparalleled bombardment of political advertisements.
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to statesmen ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to an array of past and present statesmen, ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama.
...
Throughout his media offensive, Prabowo portrayed himself as the only presidential contender capable of liberating Indonesia from the yoke of rural poverty, unemployment and foreign debt. So far, so predictable.
...
Even though Prabowo had implemented his campaign strategy meticulously from the start, Gerindra got less than five per cent of the vote (Wiranto's Hanura party fared even worse, achieving only about three per cent). A number of reasons probably account for this poor result, including persistent discomfort amongst many Indonesians about Prabowo's hardline image and his human rights record, as well as widespread apprehension about his links to the Suharto family.
...
In view of these measures taken by the incumbent president, it is hardly surprising that few of the millions of farmers and fisherfolk targeted by Prabowo saw a need for a radical overhaul of the economic system. Moreover, even those who may actually have seen this need were apparently reluctant to believe that the person to implement it would be, of all people, Prabowo Subianto, who, to put it lightly, is hardly famous for his philanthropy.
Another important reason for Prabowo's failure to push Gerindra to a better result was that his campaign was essentially regressive. Despite the professional outlook of the advertisements, Gerindra appeared to be preoccupied primarily with romanticising the past rather than outlining the future. This nostalgia was epitomised in a statement by Gerindra's deputy chairman Fadli Zon who maintained that Gerindra 'would like to rebuild Indonesia just like how it was in the past when people gained prosperity from agriculture and fishing'. Clearly, the election result showed that very few Indonesians share this desire to go back in time. Thus, it could be argued that Prabowo may have revolutionised the style of political advertising in Indonesia, but he failed to match his impressive style with a convincing message.
So Prabowo will not become Indonesia's next president, and neither will Wiranto. Does that mean that at long last there really is no place for these two in Indonesia's democracy? Not quite. Despite the clear verdict at the ballot box and poor approval ratings in most opinion polls, both Prabowo and Wiranto are running as vice-presidential candidates for Megawati and Jusuf Kalla respectively.


Having outmaneuvered Prabowo ...

www.insideindonesia.org [cached]

Having outmaneuvered Prabowo during the turbulent days of the transition, the former adjutant of Suharto was instrumental in helping Abdurrahman Wahid to an unexpected stint at the presidency in 1999.

...
Thus, merely two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed, for a short time at least, as if there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy.
Two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy
It did not take long for the two to attempt political comebacks. In 2004, Wiranto and Prabowo were both candidates in Golkar's national convention to select a presidential candidate. Wiranto in particular invested huge amounts of money at the convention in order to secure a place in Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election. In the end the former commander-in-chief of the armed forces did manage to win the convention, but he failed to make it all the way to the palace, finishing third in the presidential poll. Undeterred by the defeat, Wiranto then moved on to found his own party (Hanura) and soon began preparing for the next elections in 2009.
His old foe Prabowo, meanwhile, was not just sitting idly by. In fact, it seemed as if defeat at the Golkar convention had only whetted his appetite for politics. Watching Wiranto's activities carefully, Prabowo too began to get ready for the next elections. In contrast to his half-hearted campaign in 2004, however, this time he meant business. Assisted by a high-profile media consultancy firm from the United States, Prabowo crafted an elaborate strategy which he hoped would eventually elevate him to the highest office. The strategy consisted of three main pillars: first, mobilisation of support for his bid; second, enhancing name recognition for his organisational vehicle; and third, finding a niche in the political spectrum that he could use to distinguish himself from other candidates.
Finding the right vehicle
Prabowo's first step was to assume control over one of Indonesia's biggest mass organisations, the national farmers' association HKTI (Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia). Created during the New Order as a corporatist tool for Suharto to monitor Indonesia's millions of peasants, this organisation had descended into political oblivion after 1998, but its vague affiliation with the rural masses made it an ideal vehicle for Prabowo because it provided him with an opportunity to begin his image-building campaign by presenting himself as a champion of the poor. In December 2004 he was elected HKTI chairman with 309 out of 325 votes - never mind that he was not even a member of the association at that time.
The HKTI position provided Prabowo with valuable access to an organisational base, but with a view to the 2009 elections he needed more than the chairmanship of a mass organisation. Indonesia's electoral rules dictate that only candidates who are nominated by political parties are allowed to contest a presidential election, so in order to avoid dependence on the goodwill of an already existing party, he decided to emulate what various other retired generals had done before him: he created a new party of his own. And so Gerindra (Movement for a Great Indonesia) was born, a party with a fierce-looking Garuda eagle on its logo (the Garuda is the centrepiece of Indonesia's national coat of arms). From the day of its formation in February 2008, Gerindra dedicated itself almost exclusively to promoting the presidential ambitions of Prabowo Subianto.
...
Amongst the most prominent are Gleny Kairupan, a former intelligence officer with a dubious track record in East Timor, Muchdi Purwopranyoto, who despite his exoneration by a Jakarta court is widely believed to have masterminded the murder of human rights activist Munir in September 2004, and of course Prabowo himself, whose list of alleged crimes includes abduction, torture, and instigation of large-scale anti-Chinese riots.
...
For this reason, Gerindra and Prabowo caused particular alarm among human rights advocates, many of whom protested openly against his presidential campaign this year.
In order to dispel this image, Prabowo pursued an ingenious plan. To the disbelief of those human rights activists who now opposed his candidature, Prabowo approached some of his former victims and persuaded them to join his party.
...
The three men themselves have rejected all such speculation and simply maintained that after Prabowo had apologised to them, it was time to move on.
An unprecedented media campaign
For Prabowo, people like Haryano, Desmond and Pius represented important human capital that could be used in his bid for the presidency.
...
While other parties were still in the planning stage, Prabowo began to inundate the Indonesian public with an unparalleled bombardment of political advertisements.
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to statesmen ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to an array of past and present statesmen, ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama.
...
Throughout his media offensive, Prabowo portrayed himself as the only presidential contender capable of liberating Indonesia from the yoke of rural poverty, unemployment and foreign debt. So far, so predictable.
...
Even though Prabowo had implemented his campaign strategy meticulously from the start, Gerindra got less than five per cent of the vote (Wiranto's Hanura party fared even worse, achieving only about three per cent). A number of reasons probably account for this poor result, including persistent discomfort amongst many Indonesians about Prabowo's hardline image and his human rights record, as well as widespread apprehension about his links to the Suharto family.
...
In view of these measures taken by the incumbent president, it is hardly surprising that few of the millions of farmers and fisherfolk targeted by Prabowo saw a need for a radical overhaul of the economic system. Moreover, even those who may actually have seen this need were apparently reluctant to believe that the person to implement it would be, of all people, Prabowo Subianto, who, to put it lightly, is hardly famous for his philanthropy.
Another important reason for Prabowo's failure to push Gerindra to a better result was that his campaign was essentially regressive. Despite the professional outlook of the advertisements, Gerindra appeared to be preoccupied primarily with romanticising the past rather than outlining the future. This nostalgia was epitomised in a statement by Gerindra's deputy chairman Fadli Zon who maintained that Gerindra 'would like to rebuild Indonesia just like how it was in the past when people gained prosperity from agriculture and fishing'. Clearly, the election result showed that very few Indonesians share this desire to go back in time. Thus, it could be argued that Prabowo may have revolutionised the style of political advertising in Indonesia, but he failed to match his impressive style with a convincing message.
So Prabowo will not become Indonesia's next president, and neither will Wiranto. Does that mean that at long last there really is no place for these two in Indonesia's democracy? Not quite. Despite the clear verdict at the ballot box and poor approval ratings in most opinion polls, both Prabowo and Wiranto are running as vice-presidential candidates for Megawati and Jusuf Kalla respectively.


Having outmaneuvered Prabowo ...

www.insideindonesia.org [cached]

Having outmaneuvered Prabowo during the turbulent days of the transition, the former adjutant of Suharto was instrumental in helping Abdurrahman Wahid to an unexpected stint at the presidency in 1999.

...
Thus, merely two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed, for a short time at least, as if there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy.
Two years after the fall of Suharto it seemed there was no place for either Wiranto or Prabowo in Indonesia's new democracy
It did not take long for the two to attempt political comebacks. In 2004, Wiranto and Prabowo were both candidates in Golkar's national convention to select a presidential candidate. Wiranto in particular invested huge amounts of money at the convention in order to secure a place in Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election. In the end the former commander-in-chief of the armed forces did manage to win the convention, but he failed to make it all the way to the palace, finishing third in the presidential poll. Undeterred by the defeat, Wiranto then moved on to found his own party (Hanura) and soon began preparing for the next elections in 2009.
His old foe Prabowo, meanwhile, was not just sitting idly by. In fact, it seemed as if defeat at the Golkar convention had only whetted his appetite for politics. Watching Wiranto's activities carefully, Prabowo too began to get ready for the next elections. In contrast to his half-hearted campaign in 2004, however, this time he meant business. Assisted by a high-profile media consultancy firm from the United States, Prabowo crafted an elaborate strategy which he hoped would eventually elevate him to the highest office. The strategy consisted of three main pillars: first, mobilisation of support for his bid; second, enhancing name recognition for his organisational vehicle; and third, finding a niche in the political spectrum that he could use to distinguish himself from other candidates.
Finding the right vehicle
Prabowo's first step was to assume control over one of Indonesia's biggest mass organisations, the national farmers' association HKTI (Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia). Created during the New Order as a corporatist tool for Suharto to monitor Indonesia's millions of peasants, this organisation had descended into political oblivion after 1998, but its vague affiliation with the rural masses made it an ideal vehicle for Prabowo because it provided him with an opportunity to begin his image-building campaign by presenting himself as a champion of the poor. In December 2004 he was elected HKTI chairman with 309 out of 325 votes - never mind that he was not even a member of the association at that time.
The HKTI position provided Prabowo with valuable access to an organisational base, but with a view to the 2009 elections he needed more than the chairmanship of a mass organisation. Indonesia's electoral rules dictate that only candidates who are nominated by political parties are allowed to contest a presidential election, so in order to avoid dependence on the goodwill of an already existing party, he decided to emulate what various other retired generals had done before him: he created a new party of his own. And so Gerindra (Movement for a Great Indonesia) was born, a party with a fierce-looking Garuda eagle on its logo (the Garuda is the centrepiece of Indonesia's national coat of arms). From the day of its formation in February 2008, Gerindra dedicated itself almost exclusively to promoting the presidential ambitions of Prabowo Subianto.
...
Amongst the most prominent are Gleny Kairupan, a former intelligence officer with a dubious track record in East Timor, Muchdi Purwopranyoto, who despite his exoneration by a Jakarta court is widely believed to have masterminded the murder of human rights activist Munir in September 2004, and of course Prabowo himself, whose list of alleged crimes includes abduction, torture, and instigation of large-scale anti-Chinese riots.
...
For this reason, Gerindra and Prabowo caused particular alarm among human rights advocates, many of whom protested openly against his presidential campaign this year.
In order to dispel this image, Prabowo pursued an ingenious plan. To the disbelief of those human rights activists who now opposed his candidature, Prabowo approached some of his former victims and persuaded them to join his party.
...
The three men themselves have rejected all such speculation and simply maintained that after Prabowo had apologised to them, it was time to move on.
An unprecedented media campaign
For Prabowo, people like Haryano, Desmond and Pius represented important human capital that could be used in his bid for the presidency.
...
While other parties were still in the planning stage, Prabowo began to inundate the Indonesian public with an unparalleled bombardment of political advertisements.
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to statesmen ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama
Buoyed by a self-confidence bordering on hubris, Prabowo used these advertisements to liken himself to an array of past and present statesmen, ranging from Napoleon and Sukarno to Barack Obama.
...
Throughout his media offensive, Prabowo portrayed himself as the only presidential contender capable of liberating Indonesia from the yoke of rural poverty, unemployment and foreign debt. So far, so predictable.
...
Even though Prabowo had implemented his campaign strategy meticulously from the start, Gerindra got less than five per cent of the vote (Wiranto's Hanura party fared even worse, achieving only about three per cent). A number of reasons probably account for this poor result, including persistent discomfort amongst many Indonesians about Prabowo's hardline image and his human rights record, as well as widespread apprehension about his links to the Suharto family.
...
In view of these measures taken by the incumbent president, it is hardly surprising that few of the millions of farmers and fisherfolk targeted by Prabowo saw a need for a radical overhaul of the economic system. Moreover, even those who may actually have seen this need were apparently reluctant to believe that the person to implement it would be, of all people, Prabowo Subianto, who, to put it lightly, is hardly famous for his philanthropy.
Another important reason for Prabowo's failure to push Gerindra to a better result was that his campaign was essentially regressive. Despite the professional outlook of the advertisements, Gerindra appeared to be preoccupied primarily with romanticising the past rather than outlining the future. This nostalgia was epitomised in a statement by Gerindra's deputy chairman Fadli Zon who maintained that Gerindra 'would like to rebuild Indonesia just like how it was in the past when people gained prosperity from agriculture and fishing'. Clearly, the election result showed that very few Indonesians share this desire to go back in time. Thus, it could be argued that Prabowo may have revolutionised the style of political advertising in Indonesia, but he failed to match his impressive style with a convincing message.
So Prabowo will not become Indonesia's next president, and neither will Wiranto. Does that mean that at long last there really is no place for these two in Indonesia's democracy? Not quite. Despite the clear verdict at the ballot box and poor approval ratings in most opinion polls, both Prabowo and Wiranto are running as vice-presidential candidates for Megawati and Jusuf Kalla respectively.

Similar Profiles

Other People with this Name

Other people with the name Subianto

Malvin Subianto
Outco Inc.

Toto Subianto
PT. Bina Busana Internusa

Bambang Subianto
Anugrah Mesindo Abadi

Benny Subianto
Multico Power Drive Pte Ltd

Irene Subianto
The Coca-Cola Company

Browse ZoomInfo's Business Contact Directory by City

Browse ZoomInfo's
Business People Directory

Browse ZoomInfo's
Advanced Company Directory