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This profile was last updated on 3/7/06  and contains information from public web pages.

General Muhammad Daud

Wrong General Muhammad Daud?
 
Background

Employment History

55 Total References
Web References
BRUNEIresources.com - International Conference on Contemporary Issues in Economic Development of Small States
www.bruneiresources.com, 7 Mar 2006 [cached]
It was officiated by Hon Pehin Dato Ahmad Jumat, the Minister of Development and the Keynote Address was delivered by Pehin Dato Maj Gen (Ret) Mohammad Daud, Chairman of Brunei Darussalam Economic Development Board.
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Pehin Dato Maj Gen (Retd) Mohammad Daud, Chairman of Brunei Darussalam Economic Development Board
Afghanistan Under Daud :: Khyber.ORG
www.khyber.org, 29 April 2011 [cached]
The shadowy central committee which assumed power after deposing King Zahir Shah remains as shadowy as ever, while Mohammad Daud, President and Prime Minister, runs the country in much the same authoritarian style as when he was the King's Prime Minister between 1953 and 1963.
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It seems that these officers asked Daud quite late in the day to accept their political leadership in the event of a successful coup. This may explain the blandness of his first statement after the event. Apart from declaring that the republic he was proclaiming conformed "to the true spirit of Islam," and that he had always been "in search of ways" to give all the people of Afghanistan a real share in the country's progress "without privilege or discrimination," he said nothing to define the goals of the new regime. As he put it, "the new order has with it basic reforms, the details of which are not possible in this short time. He promised friendship with all, except to add the caveat that Pakistan is "the only nation with which we have a political difference over the Pashtunistan issue. This was a reference to the demand that Kabul has been making off and on since 1947 that tribal regions in Pakistan should have the right of self-determination. [1]
The rise of Daud to power was galling to other would-be successors, such as Sardar Abdul Wali who was quickly put behind bars.
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But Daud evidently feels that further work should be deferred until he is in a better position to cope with controversies that a constitutional debate may start. He may be waiting for a time when he can show that his regime has brought material benefits to the people. As he says, it will take another 18 months to two years "to reap the fruit" from the programs for "all-around social progress" on which his regime has embarked.
The changes he has made in his cabinet since mid-1974 appear to be motivated by the same concern for side-stepping controversies.
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It appeared just once in public when Daud was leaving for Moscow in June 1974 on his only visit abroad so far, but they were grouped so far away at the farewell ceremonies that diplomats present on the occasion had no chance to identify the individuals. It is believed that the members do not meet as a committee but tender advice individually to Daud. If this is indeed the case, the reason may be that he does not want it to exercise its collective authority. This situation also helps the cabinet, handpicked by Daud, to emerge as the focus of power.
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There is no question of Daud being merely the first among equals; he is the charismatic father figure whose personal acceptability to the Afghan people gives the regime its sanction.
Had Daud not prohibited the use of feudal titles, he should have been addressed as "Sardar" or Prince. He is a cousin of the deposed King Zahir Shah whose sister is his wife.
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When Hashim Khan relinquished the job in 1946, another uncle, Shah Mohammad, took over the office, leaving it in 1953 to make way for Daud himself.
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The earlier misgivings about the regime's relationship with Moscow arose from a number of incidental circumstances, such as the fact that the Soviet Union was the first (and India the second) country to affirm its recognition of Daud as head of state.
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But this may have been because other nations-taking their cue from the U.S.-preferred to wait and see whether Daud would last or give way like Neguib to an Afghan Nasser. It took western observers in Kabul some six months to recognize that he was there to stay.
Daud's mention of the Pashtunistan dispute with Pakistan in his broadcast proclaiming the republic also contributed to misgivings, the suspicion being that he had done so to win favor with Moscow and New Delhi. But anyone familiar with his record as Prime Minister should have known that he has very strong feelings on this issue.
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Western dignitaries who have talked to Daud since his return to power have come away convinced that he has a deep emotional commitment to the cause of Pashtunistan.
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These were revived only in May 1963 when an accord was reached through the Shah of Iran's good offices, three months after Daud laid down office as Prime Minister.
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Even if Daud had not taken over, there would still have been the same angry exchanges that have been going on in the past months.
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These points were firmly made by the Indian foreign minister during his visit to Kabul in October 1973; the first such visit after the take over by Daud.
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It was not touched upon, for instance, in the speeches made by Podgorny during his visit to Kabul two months before the 1973 coup d'etat, or more recently in welcoming Daud to Moscow in June 1974.
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Economics apart, Daud needs a close and cooperative relationship with its Islamic neighbors for two reasons. First, Arab impatience with the Pashtunistan dispute, as evident at the Islamic summit in Lahore in February 1974, is a plus factor for Bhutto. Kabul is, therefore, anxious to neutralize, if not win over, these countries. Secondly, he needs to show his people at home that he is on excellent terms with the Islamic world to refute Pakistan's propaganda that his regime is anti-Islamic because of its connections with the Soviet Union. Great importance is attached, therefore, to the ties developing with Saudi Arabia because of King Faisal's special position in the Islamic world as the custodian of Mecca Sharif.
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Daud is diversifying Afghanistan's international ties in other directions as well.
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Finally, Daud sent his brother Nairn as a special envoy to Peking in December 1974 where he met Chou En-lai in the hospital, and heard the vice-premier, Li Hsien-nien, praise Kabul for consistently pursuing the policy of peace, neutrality and non-alignment. The same banquet speech called upon South Asian countries to sharpen their vigilance against the wild ambitions of the super powers, and advised them to seek "a peaceful and negotiated settlement of existing issues between their countries. Meanwhile, Chinese aid commitments are being honored and may be expanded.
The dialogue in Peking shows that the wheel has now turned full circle. Daud is in full control, and he is going to exercise his authority to advance Afghan national interests as he sees them. He needs friends, the more the better, but is not willing to kowtow to any of them.
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When Daud was asked in the summer of 1974 by an Indian journalist to define Pashtunistan's territorial extent, his terse reply was: "this is well known."
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Nothing has been said in public since, but it appears that Daud is waiting for a suitable opportunity to announce that he has ratified the treaty.
BRUNEI RESOURCES - Introduction to Brunei Darussalam
www.bruneiresources.com, 7 Mar 2006 [cached]
Pehin Dato Gen (Rtd) Mohammad Daud - Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports
Journals & Publications :: Khyber.ORG
www.khyber.org, 13 Sept 2009 [cached]
The shadowy central committee which assumed power after deposing King Zahir Shah remains as shadowy as ever, while Mohammad Daud, President and Prime Minister, runs the country in much the same authoritarian style as when he was the King's Prime Minister between 1953 and 1963.
10 Afghani Afghanis banknote uncirculated ...
katespapermoney.co.uk, 7 April 2015 [cached]
10 Afghani Afghanis banknote uncirculated (1977)President Muhammad Daud at left and as watermark. Arch of Kalaie Bost in Lashkargat on reverse.
47 10 afghanis (1977) UNC 2.50
Afghani bank note - click to enlarge
President Muhammad Daud at left and as watermark. Arch of Kalaie Bost in Lashkargat on reverse.
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