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This profile was last updated on 10/24/14  and contains information from public web pages.

General Mohamed Toufik Mediene

Wrong General Mohamed Toufik Mediene?

Chief

Local Address:  Algeria
DRS
 
Background

Employment History

  • Head
    DRS
  • Controller
    DRS
  • Head of the Department
    Information
  • Deputy and Head
    Mediène
48 Total References
Web References
DRS chief Mohamed Mediene ...
www.voanews.com, 24 Oct 2014 [cached]
DRS chief Mohamed Mediene became highly influential in deciding political leadership.
Algerian Authorities persist in the Denial of Crimes and in Injustice
www.algeria-watch.org, 28 April 2008 [cached]
However, the principal organiser of State terror, General Mohamed Médiène, continues to be head of the DRS, a position he has held since September 1990. The commanding officers at the head of the CTRI during the 1990s (M'henna Djebbar and Bachir Tartag), authors of the worst offences, have been promoted to commanding posts that are less incriminating.
The key evidence I set out ...
statecrime.org [cached]
The key evidence I set out was that the leader of the attack, Mohamed Lamine Bouchneb, had close relations with the DRS, and that evidence revealed his DRS handler as being none other than General Rachad Lallali (a.k.a. "Attafi"), the most senior DRS General under the overall DRS boss, General Mohamed Mediène (a.k.a. "Toufik").
...
By the end of 9/11, DRS chief General Mohamed Mediène ('Tewfik') had not only lost his previously substantial political power and influence over most ministerial portfolios, but also three of his five 'directorates'. These latter meant that he no longer had control of the media and propaganda, access to and control over much of the army, including its military investigation centre, and his judicial police. He was left with his two main directorates: the DSI and the DDSE, under the commands of Generals Tartag and Lallali ("Attafi") respectively.
However, by late that evening, rumours were spreading that Bouteflika was preparing to remove the DRS' three remaining top Generals: Mediène, Tartag and Lallali.
...
Before September was finished, the five main branches of the DRS had been removed from its control, with its three "big beasts" - Generals M'henna Djebbar, Tartag and Lallali - dismissed/retired, and General Mohamed Mediène, who had once called himself "The God of Algeria",[12] and who until only a few days earlier was regarded by most people who knew Algeria as the most powerful man in the country, in charge of "nothing".
...
In 1992, the DRS arranged the assassination of Mohamed Boudiaf, the country's effective President, while President Liamine Zeroual actually resigned the presidency in 1998 having failed to remove Mediène.
...
Many analysts now see Bouteflika's moves as perhaps the final phase in his own "war" with Mediène. Algerian politics since 2010 have been dominated by the ongoing struggle between the Bouteflika presidency and Mediène's DRS, with Bouteflika being reduced for much of the last three years to little more than a lame-duck president.
...
This is because the DRS officially - at least on paper diagrams of the Algerian state structure - is just a branch of the army, but had grown under Mediène to be its controller.
...
Zeroual resigned in 1998 after failing to get rid of DRS boss General Mohamed Mediène.
Demonstrators were chanting slogans, ...
algerienetwork.com, 4 Mar 2014 [cached]
Demonstrators were chanting slogans, including "No to a fourth term", "Free and democratic Algeria", "Down with Bouteflika, down with General Toufik" - in reference to Mohamed Toufik Mediene, the head of the Department for Information and Security (Département du renseignement et de la sécurité, DRS), the Algerian security services.
General Toufik: 'God of Algeria'
www.algeria-watch.org, 1 Sept 2010 [cached]
The man in question is General Mohamed 'Toufik' Mediène, the director of Algeria's Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité (DRS).
...
Mediène has surpassed them all.
Why then, just as Mediène has reached this extraordinary milestone, are there rumours of his imminent demise?
The answer, in a nutshell, is that when a country's head of intelligence and security becomes 'the news' it is a fairly sure sign that his time is up. For the last nine months, Mediène has increasingly been 'the news', largely as a result of the struggle that broke out between Abdelaziz Bouteflika and the DRS boss after Bouteflika's election to a third term as president in April 2009.
...
However, as the country moved towards peace and the tanks returned to barracks, this mantle shifted to Mediène.
The transition from 'war' to 'peace' and the emergence of Mediène as the country's 'strong man' coincided with the period surrounding the election in 1999 of Bouteflika as president.
...
It is therefore not surprising that Mediène's support for Bouteflika in 1999 was clinched by the fact that Bouteflika had been convicted in 1983 for the embezzlement of some $23mn in today's equivalent from Algeria's chancelleries while serving as foreign minister from 1965 to 1978.
...
Mediène became Algeria's undisputed 'strong man' after the April 2004 presidential election and the unexpected dismissal of Mohamed Lamari four months later.
...
The intrigue that led to Lamari's dismissal involved a deal between Bouteflika and Mediène to give Algeria a new image by removing the most hated general of that time.
...
With Lamari gone, power was effectively shared between Bouteflika and Mediène, with General Smaïn Lamari (no relation to Mohamed), Mediène's deputy and head of the Direction du contre-espionnage (DCE), doing his 'dirty work'.
...
With Lamari gone, power was effectively shared between Bouteflika and Mediène, with General Smaïn Lamari (no relation to Mohamed), Mediène's deputy and head of the Direction du contre-espionnage (DCE), doing his 'dirty work'.
...
Mediène is a very secretive man. Only one photograph of him has been published and few, if any, of his spoken words have been recorded. It has therefore been assumed that the realisation of his ambition, if that is what it was, to take effective control of the country, dates from Lamari's departure from the scene.
...
Mediène watched Said's move towards centre stage with distaste. Although the DRS no doubt felt that it could manage the 'succession problem', Mediène was alert to the possibility that Bouteflika, having got rid of Lamari at the beginning of his second term, might try to do the same with Mediène in his third. Although the DRS no doubt felt that it could manage the 'succession problem', Mediène was alert to the possibility that Bouteflika, having got rid of Lamari at the beginning of his second term, might try to do the same with Mediène in his third.
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The warning signal to Mediène came when Said Bouteflika linked his campaign to the former security boss, General Mohamed Betchine.
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By 1996, Zeroual had decided that Mediène had become too powerful and planned to replace him with Fodil.
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A year later, Zeroual tried again, this time deciding to appoint Betchine as minister of defence in order to get rid of Mediène.
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Indeed, one reason why Mediène backed Bouteflika in 1999 and why corruption has become so pervasive over the last 10 years is that the DRS has encouraged it and uses it as a form of control.
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Mediène began by exposing the corruption involved in the $12bn E-W highway project, the department of public work and its minister, Amar Ghoul, a friend of Said Bouteflika.
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At one point, it looked as if Bouteflika might be turning the tables on Mediène by establishing an 'independent security commission' to investigate certain dossiers that had remained unresolved from earlier eras.
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The fact that Mediène has succeeded in reducing Bouteflika's third term of office to a 'lame-duck' presidency may give him personal satisfaction, but it is something of a Pyrrhic victory for at least two reasons.
Firstly, the Sonatrach scandal and its associated exposés have been at incalculable cost to Algeria's economy and international reputation. Secondly, a number of other unexpected revelations in the last couple of months have caused particularly unwelcome problems for Mediène.
...
Moulay not only reminded Algerians and the world of the involvement of Algeria's security services in the massacres of the 1990s, but, worse still for Mediène, Moulay gave public testimony that Mediène himself not only ordered the Beni Messous massacre of September 5, 1997, in which some 200 residents of the shack community were slaughtered, but that it was a 'real estate' land clearance operation for his family's personal gain.
...
Moulay not only reminded Algerians and the world of the involvement of Algeria's security services in the massacres of the 1990s, but, worse still for Mediène, Moulay gave public testimony that Mediène himself not only ordered the Beni Messous massacre of September 5, 1997, in which some 200 residents of the shack community were slaughtered, but that it was a 'real estate' land clearance operation for his family's personal gain.
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Again, the blame lies with Mediène.
...
But in 2001 Mediène was saved by 9/11 - twice. Firstly, he was spared being killed on 9/11 by being in another part of the Pentagon building on that fateful day. Secondly, he immediately became Washington's key ally in its 'global war on terror'.
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