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Wrong Mohamed Mediène?

Mohamed Toufik Mediène


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I agree to the Terms of Service and Privacy Policy. I understand that I will receive a subscription to ZoomInfo Community Edition at no charge in exchange for downloading and installing the ZoomInfo Contact Contributor utility which, among other features, involves sharing my business contacts as well as headers and signature blocks from emails that I receive.

Background Information

Employment History


U.S. Secret Service

Web References(53 Total References)

The Algeria Powder Keg [cached]

The head of Algerian intelligence, Mohamed Mediène, has a long track record of eradicating terrorist groups using extreme methods.
KGB trained and rarely photographed, Mediène has run Algerian intelligence since 1990 and is known for his professionalism and determination. He is also known by his nickname, the God of Algiers, because his power is so pervasive and he seems to answer to no one.

So here we must turn to Mohamed Mediène, who was head of Algeria's secret service for all those dark years, known - and referred to in the press - as one of the "eradicateurs".
He finally turned against Bouteflika when the latter (at great personal "sacrifice", according to his flunkies) gained a fourth term in 2014. And then, last September, Mediène met his comeuppance. He was suddenly "retired" from service, apparently at the instigation of the defence minister and several leading generals who wanted to "clean up" the army. To the shock of Algerians, "Toufik", as he is known, suddenly appeared in the Algerian press - in sunglasses, I might add - to complain about the "unjust" jail sentence passed on his former chum General Abdelkader Ait Ourabi, who was head of "counter-terrorism", the Algerian chaps who "dealt" with the civil war insurgents in so efficient a manner. Ourabi's imprisonment was for "destruction of military records" and "disobeying military orders". Mediène said that his subordinate had operated with "passion" - we can imagine what that means - and complied with his duties as an officer.

The DRS, under the command of General Mohamed Mediène, known as "Tewfik", contains three directorates: the Directorate for Internal security (DSI), under the command of General Athmane ('Bachir') Tartag; the Directorate for Documentation and External Security (DDSE), under the command of General Rachid Laalali, and the Directorate for Central Security (which oversees the security of the army) under General M'henna Djebbar.
This new information raises the critical question of whether Generals Tartag and Laalali were working together in planning some sort of 'false-flag' terrorist operation at In Amenas, similar, as has been suggested by French intelligence sources, to that at Tibhirine in 1996, or whether they were following their own individuals strategies, perhaps seeing each other as rivals in the succession to General Mediène's overall command of the DRS.[6] Habib Souaïdia's evidence throws some light on this. [6] General Mediène, head of the DRS, has been in poor health for the last two years and is considered likely to retire shortly.

It is of interest to note that both President Bouteflika and General Mohamed Mediène, head of the DRS, were out of the country at the time of the In Amenas attack.
Bouteflika was in either Paris or Geneva; Mediène in hospital in Italy. I do not know if Mediène has yet returned.

The overall commander of the DRS at that time, General Mohamed "Toufik" Mediène, is still, to this day, the DRS boss.
Until the restructuring of the DRS and his relative political demise in 2013, Mediène was without doubt the most powerful man in Algeria. Between September 2013 and January 2014, the long battle within the Algerian regime, the so-called battle of the clans, between the presidency of Abdelaziz Bouteflika and General Mediène's DRS seemed to come to a sudden and unexpected end with the Presidency, through the office of General Gaïd Salah, the Deputy Minister of defence and Chief of the General Staff, dismissing most of the DRS's top Generals. Although DRS boss, General Mediène, has remained in post, albeit severely weakened, most of his top commanders, notably General M'henna Djebbar, Head of the Direction Centrale de la Sécurité de l'Armée (DCSA); General Athmane "Bashir" Tartag, Head of the Direction de la Sécurité Intérieure (DSI) and the Direction du Contre-espionnage (DCE); General Rachid "Attafi" Lallali, Head of the Documentation et de la Sécurité Extérieure (DDSE); and General Hassan (Hacène), whose proper name is Abdelkhader ait Ourabi, head of the DRS's Special Intervention Forces, were "retired" or dismissed from office under one pretext or another. On February 12, General Mediène's DRS, or at least what remained of it, launched a devastating attack on General Gaïd Salah. This was a demonstration of Generals coming to the defence of Mediène. Souaïdia believes that Mediène, who was neither dismissed nor retired at that time, resisted this pressure on him from the presidency and Gaïd Salah and in February 2014 reached a compromise with them. The one clue that a deal had been done between the presidency, Gaïd Salah and Mediène was an article by Salima Tlemçani in El Watan on 13 February, the day after Benhadid's attack. Another outcome, as Souaïdia tells us, is that seven months later, in this poisonous atmosphere between Mediène and the army, Mediène's officers "staked out their territory against the army chief of staff by kidnapping and murdering Hervé Gourdel.

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