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This profile was last updated on 12/16/05  and contains information from public web pages.

Mr. Mohamed Ali Jinnah

Wrong Mohamed Ali Jinnah?

Advocate

Hindu-Muslim Unity
Phone: (202) ***-****  HQ Phone
Hindu Unity
2107 Massachusetts Avenue, Nw
Washington Dc, District of Columbia 20008
United States

Company Description: [5] Hindu Unity is the official website of the VHP's violent Bajrang Dal. It publishes a ‘blacklist' of ‘enemies of Hindus', accompanied by a logo of dripping...   more
Background

Employment History

  • Ambassador
    Hindu Unity
  • Ambassador
    Unity
  • Spokesman
    HRL
  • Besant's HRL

Board Memberships and Affiliations

  • Member
    Indian National Congress
  • Member
    Indian Legislative Assembly

Education

  • degree
Web References
Asia Times Online Community and News Discussion - Ryan C Crocker [an ugly American in Pakistan]
forum.atimes.com, 16 Dec 2005 [cached]
M.A. Jinnah: the man. 2.Jinnah: an ardent nationalist.3.An Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity.4.Jinnah: a staunch secularist.5.Differences and disagreements.6.Tragedy of Jinnah.Bibliography.Index.
"In the post independence Indian history Mohd.
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Facts about Jinnah, his life and his politics and policies are suppressed by both Indian and Pakistani historians as well as politicians.
The truth is that Jinnah was, from the very inception of his political career an uncompromising enemy of the foreign rule.He was a patriot, a nationalist, a secularist and believed in constitutional means for the attainment of freedom.His patriotism was greater than any one of his contemporary patriots.He was considered the 'pride of India', 'uncrowned prince of Bombay' and an 'Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.For more than four decades of his life he fought for a United India.He resisted for long the proposal of partition.He had even opposed the separation of Burma from India during the first Round Table Conference but few years later he sought a separate state of the Muslims.
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But recently, after about 58 years, none other than a leader like L.K. Advani has admitted and boldly stated that M.A. Jinnah was a great man and a secularist."(jacket)
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Jinnah confirmed at that Juncture that he would run Pakistan even as Head of State.
As such Liaqat Ali Khan was reduced to the Position of Office Boy.Liaqat Ali stopped talking to Jinnah.Jinnah ordered the Bureaucracy and the Military Leadership as well as the Cabinet Directly - in fact he enforced his appointees to the cabinet.Jinnah was the de facto Head of Government i.e. Prime Minister.Jinnah ran Pakistan as his personal fiefdom.
In addition Jinnah was the Leader of the Muslim League and the Chairman(?) of the Constituent Assembly.
With these Acts Jinnah "Tore the System Apart"
Every Leader after him has always tried to be I DA MAN, Control Freak and Dictatorial.This is Jinnah's Legacy to the Pakistani Rulers.
You can quote a Million nay a Billion or even a Trillion Articles of how good Jinnah was with People, his ideas on Education, Treatment of Women, Absolutely Honest, Praying the required number of times a day, Performing Pilgrimages, Charitable, Patriotic etc. etc. without in any way changing Jinnah's Dictatorial, Control Freakish, I DA MAN, Non-Secular, Non-Democratic, Non-Constitutionalist Credentials.
Nehru had his Faults.Mahatma Gandhi had his Faults.In fact every Indian Leader has had his or her Faults and thus we do not Deify either of them.
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It is sad indeed that Pakistanis need Indian Leaders - L K Advani is the latest - to confirm Jinnah's Secular Credentials when Jinnah's speech delivered at the Aligarh Muslim University Union on March 6, 1940 proves to the contrary.
In 1916 a souave British-educated lawyer, ...
www.chroniclesmagazine.org [cached]
In 1916 a souave British-educated lawyer, Mohamed Ali Jinnah, became its leader.He only joined the League in 1913, having started his political career as an Indian nationalist and an advocate of Hindu-Muslim Unity.Between the wars, however, he became apprehensive that in an independent India the Muslim identity would be threatened in a secular state based on the British model of parliamentary democracy, as envisaged by the Congress Party of Gandhi and Nehru.By 1940 the demand for the creation of Pakistan had been formally endorsed by the Muslim League.
Pakistani-American Anjuman of North Carolina
www.ncpaa.org, 3 May 2002 [cached]
Quaid-e-Azam, Mohamed Ali Jinnah was a very private person and little is known about his personal life.Jinnah was only fifteen when he married Ami Bai, the daughter of Bombay's rich merchant Gogal Leera Khaim Jee.At that time he was a student at Madersatal Islam in Sind but later joined the Church Mission Society High School in Karachi for seven months.After this period, he became involved in a business for the exporting of fish to England and left Karachi for London in January 1893 at the age of sixteen, in the hopes of expanding his business.
In London he joined Lincoln's Inn, a prestigious Law Institution, and decided to become a Barrister, receiving his degree on April 29, 1896 at the age of nineteen.He returned to Karachi and then moved to Bombay to practice law, although his wife unfortunately passed away in Bombay during the cholera epidemic.
It took three years for Jinnah to become a recognized attorney and he was quickly appointed as the Magistrate of the Bombay Presidency.However, he declined the position and started his own independent practice, rapidly becoming a popular personality among the elite of Bombay.In 1905 he was nominated along with Gopal Krishna Gokhle, to present the case of self-government at the British Parliament in London.He became a member of the Indian National Congress in 1906, the year when the All India Muslim League was founded in Bengal.
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In 1916, Sir Dinsha invited Jinnah to join his family who was vacationing in Darjeeling.
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Here Ruttie and Jinnah discovered a perfect match in each other and decided to become life partners.
During a joint session of the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress in December 1916, Jinnah presented his proposal on Hindu-Muslim unity.When both parties overwhelmingly accepted it, Ruttie Patit was present and was greatly impressed by Jinnah's ability to influence both parties, when he had made them simultaneously agree to join hands together to gain independence.Soon after the session ended, Jinnah proposed to Sir Dinsha Patit for his daughter's hand in marriage.
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But the dream of marriage for both Jinnah and Ruttie would not be realized for another two years due to legal battles between Jinnah and Sir Dinsha Patit, who rejected his proposal.
Like Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov Lenin ...
www.jinnaharchive.com [cached]
Like Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov Lenin (1870-1924), Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) was essentially a party man, as I have argued in Jinnah: Studies in Interpretation (1981).
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2 So was Jinnah's, whether he was in the Indian National Congress (f. 1885), the Home Rule League (HRL) (f. 1917), or the All India Muslim League (AIML) (f. 1906). Again, like Lenin, Jinnah "was never far from the centre of any organization of which he was a member".
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4 In tandem, long before Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah (1909-60s) had improvised the Biblical dictum to read "Seek ye the political kingdom and everything shall be added unto you", 5 sanctifying politics as the Aladdin's lamp, Jinnah had told his followers at the launch of his marathon election campaign on 12 August 1945, "We shall have time to quarrel among ourselves and we shall have time when these differences have to be settled....
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"Without them [the teeming millions], I or any body else could have achieved anything", acknowledged Jinnah in his 'Victory Day' speech in Delhi on 11 January 1946, summing up the Muslim League's triumph in the Central Assembly polls.
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Politics, one needs to remember, was one of Jinnah's two most precious passions, the other being law that had launched him on a lucrative career, providing him with a financial cushion.
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As hinted earlier, Jinnah was at the centre, whether he was with the Congress for some seventeen years (1904-20), the HRL for three years (1917-20), or with the Muslim League for over thirty-four years (1913-47).
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Jinnah formally joined the Besant's HRL on 18 June 1917, in protest against her internment. Not only did he bring along "the entire legal profession" into the HRL, but also became its foremost spokesman. He organized "big public meetings" at Shantaram Chawl, in Bombay, every fortnight, popularizing the HRL as never before. He also didn't flinch from clashing with Lord Willingdon (1866-1941) at the Bombay Provincial War Conference in 1918 on the Home Rule issue. 14
Even before Jinnah had formally joined the AIML on 10 October 1913, he had attended its Council meetings during 1910-12 by special invitation, and he was sent draft resolutions by the AIML Acting Secretary, Wazir Hasan (1874-1947), requesting him to "go through them" and let him "know the result". 15 Jinnah was also the moving spirit behind the incorporation of the twin ideals of self-government and Hindu-Muslim unity in the League's plank at its Council meeting on 30-31 December 1913. He was also responsible for the Congress and the League meeting annually at the same time and at the same place from Bombay (1915) to Ahmedabad (1921), and these were the only years when the Congress and the League had acted in unision. In 1916, he was elected President of the AIML Lucknow session, and in that capacity crafted and negotiated the Lucknow Pact (1916) with the Congress, which, besides conceding the long-standing Muslim demand of separate electorates, put forth a united demand for self-government. 16 In 1919 he was elected Permanent President of the AIML, and except for three years (1931-34), when he opted for self exile, he remained at the helm of the League. Once he left the Congress for good in December 1920, he never joined any other party, concentrating solely and all the time on the Muslim League where, at least subconsciously, he could be the party at some future date.
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Still, Jinnah was not the Muslim League even as Lenin was not the Bolshevik Party, (f. ) or Mahatma (Mohandas Karamchand) Gandhi (1869-1948) the Indian National Congress.
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18 Likewise, the Muslim League became both the agent and the index of Muslim resurgence during 1937-47, if only because of Jinnah. The League had existed before Jinnah seriously took up its reorganization in 1936, and it continued to exist in Pakistan after Jinnah had laid down the office, late in1947. The League had existed before Jinnah seriously took up its reorganization in 1936, and it continued to exist in Pakistan after Jinnah had laid down the office, late in1947.
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"Part of the genius of the Quaid-i-Azam was that ... he attracted into his orbit able and devoted people", says the Aga Khan (1877-1957). 22 "His power was great, yet his greatness was that he used his power to make a team of men, who would carry on the work when he was gone", says Philip John Noel-Baker (1889-1982), Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations (1947-50). 23The Times (London) also noted that Jinnah knew "that his work would not last unless he taught his people to be independent of his guidance, and more and more he gave over the responsibilities of the government to the band of able men he had collected and trained.
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Indeed, Jinnah scrupulously kept himself away from these bodies, to give them a lesson in the self-learning process and to let the second cadre leadership develop the acumen and the political will to resolve problems and manage internal differences on their own, without involving him in their political wranglings. For strategic reasons as well, Jinnah consistently refused to be drawn into the mire of provincial politics, and stood steadfast by the Central Parliamentary Board's decisions. Thus, whenever any leader from any province complained to him about certain irregularities or against factionalism within the Provincial League, or requested for party ticket, either at the centre or in the provinces, he would routinely ask him to address the relevant body dealing with the issue at hand.
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Yet, the irony of it all is that Jinnah was called and characterized as a fuehrer by the Congress oriented publicists and press. 30 He was even accused of not tolerating any independent opinion or of brooking anyone in his camp gaining stature on his own.
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Admiral Jefford (1901-80), Pakistan's first naval chief, "stood up to Jinnah and therefore earned his respect - and got it", notes Hector Bolitho (1897-1974), Jinnah's official biographer.
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Admiral Jefford (1901-80), Pakistan's first naval chief, "stood up to Jinnah and therefore earned his respect - and got it", notes Hector Bolitho (1897-1974), Jinnah's official biographer.
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31 So did Nurse Dunham and Ibrahim Habibullah, an Oxford alumnus and socialist, who had the courage to contradict Jinnah to his face and defend Nehru.
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Jinnah had once called Liaquat his "right hand" man and, by implication, his political heir.
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It also means that except for Jinnah himself, Liaquat stood foremost in the galaxy of Muslim leadership at that forking moment in history.
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Even otherwise, as Muhammad Reza Kazimi has so meticulously documented on the basis of primary sources, 37 it was by no means a lapse, and Jinnah found no impropriety on Liaquat's part in negotiating it with Desai.
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Fourth, Jinnah had envisaged the League members in the Interim Government "as sentinels who would watch Muslim interests in the day to day administration of Government. [We would like to make sure that] this Government should not be allowed to do anything administratively, by convention or conventions, which would in any way prejudice or militate the problem of the constitution of India... 42 And the person who was deputed to oversee the working of the Interim Government from the League's standpoint was Liaquat who headed the League bloc.
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43 And Liaquat gave it all the way from October 1946 to July 1947 - in pricking the Congress's bubble of treating the Interim Government as a dominion cabinet and Nehru as Prime Minister, in thwarting the Congress strenuous and sustained efforts to throw the League out of the Interim Government during December 1946 to February 1947, and in wrecking the Menon's proposal, with Congress's concurrence, in June 1947 to reconstitute the Interim Government, confining the League "to be concerned a far as normal administration was concerned only with the Pakistan areas" 44 Helped by Jinnah, Liaquat throughout took up a constitutional position, to which neither the Congress nor the Viceroy had an answer.
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In sum, then, Liaquat's contribution in both Pakistan's creation and her survival was only next to Jinnah's. That indicates how perspicacious Jinnah was in designating him as his right hand man and political heir five years earlier.
Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung
During the early 1940s, Bahadur Yar Jung's pre-eminence in Muslim politics was underscored by the monumental fact that he was the only person in the galaxy of AIML's second cadre leadership to have been bestowed with a title at the popular level - that of Quaid-i-Millat. (Later, it came to be associated with Liaquat in Pakistan after his assassination, and with M. Mohammad Ismail [1896-1972], President of the Indian Union Muslim League [1948-72], in India.)
By the late 1930s, Bahadur Yar Jung had caught the eye of Jinnah, then feverishly and frenetically engaged in the herculian task of forging unity among disparate Muslim ranks, organizing the
British-educated lawyer Mohamed Ali ...
www.gulf-times.com, 15 Aug 2007 [cached]
British-educated lawyer Mohamed Ali Jinnah galvanised Muslims and launched a movement for a separate homeland after the breakdown of compromise talks between the two countries to avert the division of India. For centuries, Punjab province had existed as a single unit with its own distinct language.But the British split the region, giving the eastern part to India and the west to Pakistan.
...
British-educated lawyer Mohamed Ali Jinnah galvanised Muslims and launched a movement for a separate homeland after the breakdown of compromise talks between the two countries to avert the division of India. For centuries, Punjab province had existed as a single unit with its own distinct language.But the British split the region, giving the eastern part to India and the west to Pakistan.
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