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2011-06-02T00:00:00.000Z

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Background Information

Employment History

Leader

The Romanian Army

Prime Minister

Romania

President

Rumanian Council of Ministers

President

Council of Ministers of Education , Canada

Romanian Dictator

Adolf Hitler Pictures

Prime Minister

Web References (34 Total References)


The Romanian leader, Marshal Ion ...

www.flamesofwar.com [cached]

The Romanian leader, Marshal Ion Antonescu, managed to get Hitler to agree to an evacuation and non-combat troops were shipped out between 14 and 27 April.

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The line had been well and truly broken and Hitler finally agreed to fall back on the FNB line that Antonescu had first suggested during the summer.
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Cease-fire negotiations were completed with the Soviets, ironically Antonescu had already done most of the groundwork, and at 0030 the Romanian forces in the field were ordered to cease fighting the Red Army.


Following some defeats, the German forces ...

www.impalapublications.com [cached]

Following some defeats, the German forces began to suffer from a shortage of manpower, and so the Romanian leader, Marshal Antonescu, bowed to Hitler's demand that the ethnic Germans of Romania be conscripted into the Nazi SS, rather than into the Romanian Army.


The event in Romania's capital - ...

www.usatoday.com [cached]

The event in Romania's capital - the first of its kind in a former communist country - coincided with the commemoration of 70 years since about 12,000 Jews were killed in northeastern Romania under the pro-fascist regime of dictator Marshal Ion Antonescu.

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About 280,000 Jews and 11,000 Roma, or Gypsies, were killed during the pro-fascist regime of dictator Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was Romania's prime minister from 1940 to 1944 and was executed by the communists in 1946. About 6,000 Jews live in Romania today.


Alfred Rosenberg

www.us-israel.org [cached]

"After Goga' resignation, Antonescu still remained in the king's cabinet at Goga's wish.He also maintained continued relations with the Iron Guard.Thereby the possibility of eliminating the king was at hand -- and was exploited.Antonescu today appears in practice as executor of the heritage bequested to him by Goga, who had led him from political insignificance into the political arena.Thereby a change to Germany's liking had become possible in Rumania.

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It will be recalled that on 9/5/1940 Antonescu became President of the Rumanian Council of Ministers and immediately suspended the Rumanian constitution.King Carol abdicated on the following day, and Rumania existed as a German satellite throughout the war.Rosenberg's aims had been achieved.


The Romanian Jewish Community

www.romanianjewish.org [cached]

On September 6, 1940 , the Iron Guard and Marshal Antonescu forced King Carol II to abdicate, blaming him for the loss of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and northern Transylvania . Equally hated by the Iron Guard and Antonescu, Carol came to serve as the scapegoat for the failures of the Romanian political class.

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On September 6, 1940 , the Iron Guard and Marshal Antonescu forced King Carol II to abdicate, blaming him for the loss of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and northern Transylvania . Equally hated by the Iron Guard and Antonescu, Carol came to serve as the scapegoat for the failures of the Romanian political class.
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Antonescu took over leadership of the government as president of the Council of Ministers, gaining the title of "Conducator.
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Antonescu apologized for "romantic incidents" perpetrated by "exploited young men," agreed to overturn such irresponsible decisions as the "abolition" of Judaism, and even "ordered" an end to the painting of the word "Jewish" on stores and businesses. Antonescu wrote to the UER that if the Jews did not "undermine the government," the community had nothing to fear. Strangely, Filderman's visit was only the first of a series of meetings and other communications with Antonescu, one of the paradoxes of the Romanian Holocaust: Hitler would hardly have received representatives of German Jewry or overturned anti-Jewish measures.
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F ilderman's diligent efforts proved fruitless: Antonescu was prepared to protect neither the property nor the lives of Romanian Jews at that time.
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Whatever image Antonescu was trying to project during the audiences with Filderman, perhaps his real attitude toward violence-even against Romanians-came out in other statements.
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The victims of the Jilava murders, Antonescu learned, had been shot repeatedly: 587 separate bullet wounds were found on the bodies of thirteen victims; others had died from blows to the skull with heavy, sharpened objects (perhaps axes); and still others had died from stab wounds. Upon hearing of the savagery of the killings, Antonescu remarked to General Petroviceanu: "I am not sorry about what happened to them, since they caused so much damage to our country.
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Ironically, even though there had been no love lost between Antonescu and the Legionnaires' victims (Iorga in particular had been close to Carol II, Antonescu's sworn enemy), Antonescu understood that the assassinations could be exploited one day to discredit the Legionnaire movement, which he did, in fact, do following the abortive "Legionnaire Rebellion," the attempted Iron Guard coup d'├ętat, shortly thereafter.
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Ironically, even though there had been no love lost between Antonescu and the Legionnaires' victims (Iorga in particular had been close to Carol II, Antonescu's sworn enemy), Antonescu understood that the assassinations could be exploited one day to discredit the Legionnaire movement, which he did, in fact, do following the abortive "Legionnaire Rebellion," the attempted Iron Guard coup d'├ętat, shortly thereafter.
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On December 9, 1940 , the Union of Jewish Communities of Romania submitted a twenty-six-page appeal to Marshal Antonescu, summarizing the arrests, physical abuse, expropriations, and murders thirty-nine Jewish communities had experienced during the preceding months. Antonescu replied by ordering Minister of the Interior Constantin Petrovicescu, a Legionnaire, to open an investigation. But even though this interchange took place a month before the antagonism between Antonescu and the Iron Guard came to a head, his action does suggest the strain that had come to suffuse their relations by year's end.
That a crisis was brewing between Antonescu and the Guard seems further indicated by the fact that his previous order went unheeded. This was, of course, only one source of the friction between the Conducator and the Guard, but it did contribute to the crisis that soon broke out. One should not overstate the importance of differences on the Jewish question: as late as January 10, 1941, Antonescu reproached the minister of the interior for not having interned illegal Jewish immigrants responsible for engaging in commerce, promoting communism, and other alleged misdeeds. But Antonescu did represent a different brand of-or, rather, an approach to-anti-Semitism, one slightly less virulent and slightly more considered than that of the Iron Guard. Despite this, other considerations moved Antonescu to countenance, if not urge, far more horrible outrages against the Jews.
THE LEGIONNAIRE REBELLION AND THE BUCHAREST POGROM, JANUARY 21-23, 1941
On January 10, at the last meeting of the Council of Ministers attended by Legionnaires, Antonescu expressed his concern over the economic disruption caused by the Iron Guard's anti-Semitic excesses, which, for him, were emblematic of that organization's general irresponsible radicalism.
Under the guise of Romanization, the Legionnaires had exploited the state apparatus-the police in particular-for purposes of outright robbery. Most businesses that "passed into the hands" of Legionnaires had quickly fallen into ruin. On a national scale this had produced a dire impact. Antonescu, an army officer who represented what Barrington Moore has called "the honorable fascism of the clerks," did want the economic dispossession of the Jews and their physical removal, but he had considered this the end result to be realized only gradually and lawfully. In this he had the tacit agreement of his German friends, who needed a well-functioning Romanian economy to support their anticipated war effort against the USSR .
Berlin had not failed to note the strained relations between the Legionnaires and Antonescu.
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Antonescu was aware of these conversations and sought to demonstrate his de facto leadership power over the Iron Guard by forbidding Sturdza from trying to directly influence Hitler.
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In a still less veiled reference to his purge of the Brownshirts in the "Night of the Long Knives," Hitler told Antonescu, "You have to get rid of . . . fanatical militants who think that, by destroying everything, they are doing their duty. After Antonescu's return from Germany the tension between him and the Iron Guard had intensified; some Legionnaires now began to demand his recall and the establishment of a "pure" Legionnaire government led by Horia Sima.
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On January 20, 1941 , Antonescu dismissed Minister of Internal Affairs Petrovicescu, who was close to the Iron Guard, ostensibly for having failed to protect Doering. Antonescu also dismissed Alexandru Ghika, director of the police forces, and Constantin Maimuca, director of another department at the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
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There is no reason why Hitler might not have kept them as a possible Trojan horse for insertion at a later date, though his first impulse seems to have been to offer their heads to Antonescu as a gesture of support: Hitler wanted to cement the relationship as he contemplated the impending invasion of the Soviet Union .
From the start Legionnaire propaganda named the Jews as instigators of their conflict with Antonescu.
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In the chaos caused by the struggle between the Iron Guard and Antonescu, many saw the moment for the "Great Pogrom.
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In his postwar Spanish emigration Horia Sima admitted that "these Jews became the victims of uncontrolled . . . elements at the periphery of the Legionnaire movement . . . while the heads of the Legionnaire units were busy containing the rebellion of Marshal Antonescu.

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