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Wrong Joanne Freeman?

Joanne B. Freeman

Professor of History

Yale University

HQ Phone:  (203) 785-7026

Direct Phone: (203) ***-****direct phone

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I agree to the Terms of Service and Privacy Policy. I understand that I will receive a subscription to ZoomInfo Community Edition at no charge in exchange for downloading and installing the ZoomInfo Contact Contributor utility which, among other features, involves sharing my business contacts as well as headers and signature blocks from emails that I receive.

Yale University

333 Cedar St

New Haven, Connecticut,06510

United States

Company Description

Yale University, a preeminent global university founded in New Haven, Connecticut in 1701, consists of three major academic components: Yale College, for undergraduate liberal arts; the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, offering advanced degrees in 73 depa...more

Background Information

Affiliations

New Jersey Council for History Education

Board Member


International Center for Jefferson Studies

Advisory Board


The Society for Historians of the Early American Republic

Advisory Board


U.S. Congress

Historian


Education

Pomona College


M.A.

American History

University of Virginia


Ph.D.

UVA


Ph.D.

University of Virginia


Web References(194 Total References)


virginiahumanities.org

Historians Joanne Freeman and Nathan Connolly Join BackStory
BackStory with the American History Guys, produced by Virginia Foundation for the Humanities, is pleased to announce that Joanne Freeman of Yale University and Nathan Connolly of Johns Hopkins University will join BackStory in 2017.


www.nche.net [cached]

Joanne Freeman
Yale University


www.yaleedtravel.org [cached]

Joanne Freeman
History


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Joanne Freeman Yale University


www.jamesbowman.net [cached]

by Joanne B. Freeman
Joanne B. Freeman, a young lecturer at Yale, has done some valuable and pioneering work into the investigation of honour's importance to the founding of the American Republic. For an age in which the very word has an alien, faintly repellent sound (we associate "honour" killings with countries where women are bought and sold like cattle), she has done much to explain its meaning and importance to those who were in the vanguard of modernity for their time. Among the Founding Fathers, she tells us, "Honour" was used interchangeably with "reputation" but it meant "reputation with a moral dimension and an élite cast". Miss Freeman devotes a substantial portion of her book to this duel (recycling much of the material she had earlier published in a seminal article in the William and Mary Quarterly ), showing how familiar all its elements were in the political and social context of the early Republic - all, that is, save in its having resulted in the death of one of the principals, which was a comparatively rare occurrence. The problem with the book is that, although the author several times shows that she knows better, she persistently treats the 18 th century honour culture as if it were an indigenous product that grew up among the American Founders as a result of their political situation and that presented them with unique problems of reconciling the new democratic and republican spirit with the demands of a traditional aristocratic code. Thus she writes that "the code of honour did more than channel and monitor political conflict; it formed the very infrastructure of national politics, providing a governing logic and weapons of war". More seriously, just as honour is seen as the result of the inchoate political system, so Miss Freeman suggests that it disappeared with the emergence of reasonably stable party structures - "a ritualized, honour-bound, personal level of political interaction" having allegedly "persisted until the anonymity of formal national political parties altered the tone of politics forever". Except that it didn't. She devotes no attention at all to it in the colonial period when it was already, or the antebellum era in the South where it was still, an important feature of daily life. Nor does she look beyond the American context, an excessive concentration on which makes her paradoxically unable to give due emphasis to what was genuinely new and original about the honour culture in the United States. In thus overstating the political role of honour, Miss Freeman understates the extent to which it was present in all phases of life for those who were not politically active but who could claim gentlemanly rank. In retrospect, it seems to us that the "honour culture was an aristocratic holdover. . .[and] hardly fit comfortably with an egalitarian regime", but honour's interference with egalitarian principles would have been of much less concern to those accustomed to speaking of their "sacred honour" than egalitarianism's interference with it. The real doubts about the honour culture came in the United States as they did elsewhere from its conflict not with egalitarianism but with religion, though about its moral dimension Miss Freeman has little to say.


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