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This profile was last updated on 4/14/14  and contains information from public web pages.

Prof. Israel Gershoni

Wrong Prof. Israel Gershoni?

Professor of Middle Eastern Histo...

Phone: (212) ***-****  HQ Phone
Local Address:  Israel
Tel Aviv University
39 Broadway Suite 1510
New York , New York 10006
United States

Company Description: Founded in 1963, Tel Aviv University is one of Israel's foremost research and teaching universities.

Employment History

  • Member, Department of History
    Tel Aviv University
  • Department of Middle Eastern and African History
    Tel Aviv University
  • Referee for Professional Journals
    Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities
  • President

Board Memberships and Affiliations

25 Total References
Web References
Oxford AASC: About Dictionary of African Biography, 14 April 2014 [cached]
Israel Gershoni
Tel Aviv University
In this video Max Blumenthal, Jewish ... [cached]
In this video Max Blumenthal, Jewish American author, documents the racism of Israel.
David Sheen, Jewish American, has spent years in Israel documenting the racism, human-rights abuses, and hypocrisy in Jewish culture.
The above is his latest documentary, a detailed report on racism in Israel toward those of African heritage. He submitted this report to the African Refugee Development Center (ARDC) to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) on January 30, 2012.
This video clearly depicts the level of racism, hate, and anger in Israel.
For over six decades, the U.S. Congress, successive presidents, media, public opinion, all have supported a story which portrays Israel as wholly good and innocent, while painting those resisting its violence and injustice as anti-Semites, Nazis, and terrorists. The myth that Israel is the victim of unprovoked attacks by uncivilized Arabs persists, even in the face of Israel's brutality and violations of international law in its 44-year long occupation of the Palestinian Territories.
The grip of this fiction on the American collective mind reflects a conjuncture of causes: the West's guilt about the Holocaust; the proto-Zionist theology of American evangelical sects; U.S. imperial interests in Middle East oil reserves; and the West's long-distrust of and contempt for Arabs and Muslims.
Propaganda produced by Israel and the American Jewish establishment inverts reality.
It refutes the story told by pro-Israel zealots, who attribute hostility to Israel in the Arab world not to Israel's actions, but to Arabs' hatred of Jews: hatred, they argue, which originated in Islam and flourished with the Arabs' collaboration with the Nazis during WWII.
Another attack, directed at Achcar's lecture in the Jewish Studies Department of the University of California at Davis, came from BlueTruth, a blog devoted to "refuting the accusations and exposing the lies that are being told … about Israel, Jews and pro-Israel organizations …" One such lie, to judge by the article, is that Israel was "built on Arab land."
As someone whose mother and father were murdered in Auschwitz, and who herself survived the Nazis' barbarous nationalism thanks to the courage of a group of Catholics, Protestants, Communists, and Jews, I find the idea that defending the "Jewish state" supersedes all other human obligations both immoral and senseless. Nothing, not even the Holocaust, justifies Israel's treatment of Palestinians or the continuing efforts of pro-Israel zealots to show Arabs and Muslims as less than human. Israel and its unconditional supporters are on a path leading to catastrophe not only for Palestinians, but in the not very long run, for Israel itself.
The first part of Achcar's book covers the period from 1933, when Hitler acceded to power, until Israel's foundation in 1948. At that time, "liberal Westernizers" and Marxists took a strong stand against both Nazism and anti-Semitism. In the various Arab nationalist movements, sympathy for the Axis varied but was overall low, and opposition to Zionism did not translate into hatred of "the Jews. It is only among "reactionary and/or fundamentalist pan-Islamists" that significant anti-Semitism and support for Nazism were found. Several recent studies confirm this. For example, Achcar's book quotes Israel Gershoni, a professor of Middle Eastern History at Tel Aviv University, who wrote that in the 1930s:
The second part of Achcar's book traces the rise of anti-Semitism in the Arab world after the founding of Israel in 1948.
Achcar writes: "There are more anti-Semites among the Arabs today than among any other population group-for obvious historical reasons" [emphasis mine].8 These historical reasons, which are indeed obvious, were they not again and again obfuscated by pro-Israel apologists, include: Israel's ethnic cleansing of 750,000 Palestinian Arabs in 1948-1949 and its systematic destruction of 418 Palestinian villages to prevent the refugees' return: creating 300,000 more Palestinian refugees in 1967; a brutal and tyrannical occupation accompanied by continued ethnic cleansing ever since; and atrocities against civilian populations in wars in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Lebanon.
Even Bernard Lewis, a historian favored by defenders of Israel, wrote "for Christian anti-Semites, the Palestine problem is a pretext and an outlet for their hatred; for Muslim anti-Semites, it is the cause."9 Remove the cause-that is, end Israel's ethnocentrism and expansionism-and Arab anti-Semitism would likely fade away.
Achcar shows how Arab anti-Semitism is "reactive" and changeable-dependent on Israel's actions, its violence, its propaganda (e.g., calling Arabs "Nazis"), and on the particular historical and political circumstances of the various Arab/Muslim countries.
The "Hasbara Handbook: Promoting Israel on Campus" (hasbara is Hebrew for "public relations, " or "propaganda"), published in 2002 by the World Union of Jewish Students, gives advice on how to score points "whilst avoiding genuine discussion": rather than addressing your opponent's arguments, make "as many comments that are positive about Israel as possible whilst attacking certain Palestinian positions, and attempting to cultivate a dignified appearance"; repeat points again and again, "If people hear something often enough, they come to believe it.
Stillwell and Greene claim that, unlike anti-Semitism in the Arab world, "'anti-Arab attitudes in Israel' are neither widespread, [nor] promulgated through state-provided education and other official means.
"Other official means" of promulgating racism include laws that are the very foundation of the Israeli state: the 1950 Law of Return and 1952 Citizenship Law, which allow every Jew in the world to immigrate to Israel and become an Israeli citizen. These same laws forbid the return of Palestinians who were forced to flee their homes from 1947 to 1952. This inequity may have made sense to those in the West who lived through the years after WWII, when the horrors of the Holocaust and general acceptance of colonialism blinded almost everyone to the injustice perpetrated against Palestinian Arabs. But it is much past time to look at the situation through Palestinian eyes.
More recent laws show racism becoming increasingly institutionalized in Israel. Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, reports that "the current government coalition has proposed a flood of new racist and discriminatory bills. One such bill legalizes "admission committees" operating in nearly 700 small towns, allowing them to reject applicants deemed "unsuitable to the social life of the community … or the social and cultural fabric of the town"-for "unsuitable applicants," read principally "Arabs."18
Holocaust denial, Nakba denial Israel's recent Nakba Law effectively forbids the public commemoration of the Nakba. Israel lodged a protest when UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon used the word in a telephone conversation with Mahmoud Abbas on May 2008, the 60th anniversary of the Nakba.
Livni makes luminously clear that Israel is not a democracy for all its citizens. For the Jews, yes, although the rights of dissenters are increasingly restricted. In effect, "a Jewish and democratic state" is an oxymoron, no matter how much ink has been spent to deny it: a state so defined must privilege the Jews over other citizens. And being Jewish is unlike being, for example, French. One can become French by participating in the country's communal life for five years, but there is no way to become Jewish and qualify for the Law of Return except by converting to Judaism, or by being "a child and a grandchild of a Jew, the spouse of a Jew, the spouse of a child of a Jew, and the spouse of a grandchild of a Jew." Israel: innocent, victimized, maligned …
Gail Rubin J.D. author of the BlueTruth article, waxes indignant at Achcar for describing Israel as a "'settler colonial project' built on 'Arab land,'" and "accusing Zionists of 'ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians.'"
That Israel was built on Arab land, whether bought or confiscated, is undeniable.
In any case, no one denies that Israel prevented the return of refugees, a violation of international law. It was Israeli policy to shoot as "infiltrators" Palestinians trying to return to their villages in the night. Hundreds of villages were destroyed to foreclose their former inhabitants' return. Arguments about the colonial nature of the Israeli state usually take the form of semantic nitpicking. Sociologist Maxime Rodinson, a French Jew who first broke the taboo against calling Israel a "colonial-settler state," concludes his remarkable 1967 essay:
In fact, following the conquest of land and expulsion of its native Arab inhabitants, Israel again and again inflicted great harm on Arabs and Muslims-primarily the Palestinians, but also those living in the border states-through actions that cannot be attributed to Israel's need to survive. Consider the annexation of Jerusalem, a city sacred to Islam; the occupation of the Palestinian territories and of the Golan Heigh
Prof. Israel Gershoni, Dept. ..., 23 Sept 2010 [cached]
Prof. Israel Gershoni, Dept. of History, Tel Aviv University
Relli Shechter, Ph.D. [cached]
Research Assistant, Professor Israel Gershoni, Department of Middle Eastern & African History, Tel-Aviv University.
"Approaches to the Study of the Modern Arab Middle East," Lectures in Honour of Professor Israel Gershoni, Tel-Aviv University, Israel (in Hebrew). - Israeli professor speaks on Mideast relations, 10 Mar 2005 [cached]
Israel Gershoni, a professor in the department of Middle Eastern and African history at Tel Aviv University in Israel, will present a lecture at the University of Georgia titled "Israel and the PLO: A History of Complex Relationships," on March 21.
Sponsored by the UGA Office of International Education, the department of history and the Georgia Humanities Council, the lecture will be held in Room 150 of the Student Learning Center at 3:30 p.m.A reception will follow in the North Tower.
Affiliated with Tel Aviv University since 1978, Gershoni has served in various professional capacities during his career.He has received numerous grants and awards, including a Fulbright Fellowship, a National Endowment for the Humanities award and several Israel Science Foundation awards.
He serves as a referee for a number of professional journals, and he is a member of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.Currently he resides in North Carolina where he serves as a fellow of the National Humanities Center at Research Triangle Park.
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