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webAfriqa/Colonization/African Proconsuls/ John E. Flint/Frederick Lugard: The Making of an Autocrat (1858-1943)
Frederick Lugard: The Making of an Autocrat (1858-1943)
In their political, constitutional, and legal history the British have rightly been characterized as a people not given to dogma and inflexible insistence upon the application of political theory to administrative practice. But one man, Frederick Dealtry Lugard, exercised such a profound influence over the development of native administration in British colonial Africa that it is justifiable to speak of "the Lugardian system" and to term its philosophy that of "Lugardian principles. It was Lugard who, after playing a significant role in the partition of Africa in the 1890s and in the transition of British public opinion to support of imperial expansion in Africa, himself set up the classical system of indirect rule in Northern Nigeria from 1900-1906, extended ifs principles into Southern Nigeria, when the country was "unified" by him after 1912, created the "blueprints" of "native administration" by the issuance of his "Political Memoranda" 1 for the instruction of administrators, and finally formed indirect rule into a justification and apologia for colonial rule in The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa 2. No other British colonial governor in Africa had a comparable impact on the shape and nature of colonial rule. Early Career Lugard, born in 1858 3, grew up in the period that has been described as "the climax of anti-imperialism" 4 - the years in which the British colonies favored by white settlers increased their autonomy through the institutions of responsible government, in which the Manchester school of free trade pursued commercial expansion while avoiding territorial empire, and in which African annexations in particular were looked upon with disfavor. But these influences had no impact on the young Lugard; his family stamped on him a familiarity with Britain's imperial role and propelled him toward an imperial career. His mother had been a Church Missionary Society worker in India and his father (the son of a soldier) served as East India Company chaplain at Madras. Both were evangelical Anglicans. And Luzard's mother could be seen as a martyr to the cause: in 1863 ill health drove her back to England, where she died in 1865, when her son was seven years old. The Reverend Frederick Lugard had secured a modest living as rector of St. Clement's, Worcester, and managed to provide his son with an indifferent education at Rossall, an Anglican public school that enjoyed little academic reputation. At this time young Lugard's hero was Livingstone, and his ambition was to enter the Indian civil service but he failed the entrance examination. Early in 1877 it might have been expected that Frederick Lugard was well set upon a modestly successful military career. Lugard now suffered a traumatic emotional experience, which was to prove the turning point in his life. He had fallen deeply in love with a remarried divorcée in Lucknow, whose identity remains shrouded in mystery by his biographer 5. That lady used him so badly that she almost drove him to suicide. In the middle of 1877, while still in Burma, Lugard received a telegram that she was dying after an accident in which she had overturned a coach. Rushing back to India, Lugard found the lady gone to England; he sailed for England, where he found her, hale and hearty, surrounded by a circle of "fast" friends, with her emotional needs quite satisfied elsewhere. The affair made him utterly desperate; he lost his religious faith and flung himself into a series of dangerous pursuits that may well have been designed to end his life in useful but hazardous work. For two months he fought fires as a volunteer with the new London fire brigade. Then he resolved to leave England, emulate his hero Livingstone, and seek danger and perhaps a noble death fighting the slave trade in East Africa. He sailed for Italy on a rather wild plan to join the Italian forces preparing to attack Ethiopia but, finding that the Italians would not have him, took a deck passage on an Italian ship bound for Aden. There he picked up a British ship traveling down the East African coast and was forced to take second-class passage as white men were not permitted to travel with the Arabs and Africans as deck passengers. He thus was able to meet Colonel Euan Smith, the British consul at Zanzibar, who provided him with a letter of introduction to the British consul in Mozambique, in the hopes that he might find employment with the African Lakes Company then fighting Arab slave traders at the north end of Lake Nyasa in support of Scottish missionaries. These contacts bore fruit, and in May 1888 Lugard made his way to Lake Nyasa to lead a military attack on the Arab stockade at Karonga's settlement. But these actions were hardly triumphant; repeated attacks, culminating in March 1889, failed to dislodge the Arabs, and Lugard returned to England to turn public opinion in favor of official British intervention in Nyasaland to establish a protectorate. His ambitions were already political. He hoped to make his name known by writing about his adventures in Nyasaland and arguing for British control there, and he had high hopes that he himself might secure the appointment to carry the policy through. In this he was disappointed; Britain did eventually, in May 1891, declare a protectorate over Nyasaland, but the new territory was to be administered by Harry Johnston, much to Lugard's humiliation and bitter chagrin. Uganda Pioneer Lugard had made his mark in British African circles. He published four articles on Nyasaland in 1889 and had developed close relationships with Scottish humanitarians active in the antislavery movement, as well as with British officials on the East African coast. Through these, Lugard later that year secured a vague apoointment to serve the newly chartered Imperial British East Africa Company. After leading caravans and founding stations in Kenya, he was appointed in mid-1890 to lead an expedition into Uganda. By this time his ambitions had matured, and an imperious streak in his character displayed itself in his insistence that he should have complete command of the expedition, independent of the company's administrator, Sir Francis de Winton. Lugard's experiences in Uganda, and even more his political activities in England that followed, were to place him in the forefront of British African politics. This was not because his activities in Uganda were particularly successful. As earlier in Nyasaland, Lugard overstretched the resources at his disposal and was Limself largely responsible for hastening the bankruptcy of the Imperial British East Africa Company, which employed him. In the process he also became the central figure in a bitter controversy with the French government. The kingdom of Buganda on the north shore of Lake Victoria had-since the entry of British Protestant missionaries in 1877 and that of the French Catholics two years laterbecome a battleground for religious factions. Lugard took the decision to arm the Baganda Protestants and help them with his company troops in their attack on the Catholics, No doubt the chartered company would eventually have bankrupted itself without Lugard's help, and at some stage a struggle for power between Baganda Protestants and Catholics would have taken place. As these questions became the center of public and parliamentary debate, Lugard was able to abandon his posture of defense against the charges of the French and take his stand for the British retention of Uganda, imperialism, and expansion. Political success did not bring the rewards of office for which Lugard had hoped. Repeated efforts to secure a high post in the new East African administration were rebuffed. As Lugard finally understood the position, "Lord Rosebery considered that my return would be regarded as an affront to the French government. 8 Lugard therefore accepted an offer from Sir George Goldie 9 to work with yet another chartered company. His task was to protect the northwestern area of the territories of the Royal Niger Company in Borgu, where French incursions threatened to break the company's control of the navigable portion of the Niger from Bussa to the sea. Lugard was to lead an expedition into Borgu to make prior treaties with the kings of Borgu in which they would cede their territories to the company. The story of Lugard's expedition to Borgu. from July 1894 until his return to England in May 1895 has been considered in detail elsewhere 10. Once again, however, this mission to Africa must be considered a failure, but a failure that was inevitable because of the constraints under which Lugard was made to operate. Goldie insisted that Lugard have only a small, inexpensive force, no "occupation" of the Borguan towns was contemplated; the French encroachments would be resisted with pieces of paper, not soldiers and officials, for the company made its money by trading, not administering. It was therefore inevitable that Lugard's treaty making would be challenged by the French, whose forces were in
webAfriqa/Colonization/African Proconsuls/ Harry A. Gailey/Sir Hugh Clifford (1856-1941)
After succeeding Lugard as governor of Nigeria, he regularly worked over seventy hours a week on official business.
By the end of September Clifford was thus able to dispatch the bulk of the Gold Coast military to Duala to aid Sir Frederick Lugard in the much more difficult campaign against the Cameroons. Sir Frederick Lugard, the conqueror of the north, had received unprecedented powers as governor-general from the colonial office in 1912 in order to effect the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates. In securing this and other correlate goals he had set for himself, Lugard had been successful. The two disparate governments had been joined, and a potentially serious threat from the Germans in the Cameroons had been removed in a tedious, difficult campaign. Lugard had also had considerable success in converting the native authorities to his ideas of indirect rule and taxation. All of these things had been accomplished during wartime, when the government had been hampered by a shortage of staff and supplies. For all his reputation, Lugard, while in office, was a minor irritant. Removed from office, he began to assume a larger than life stature in the eyes of those who administered the empire. Major alterations in Lugard's system in Nigeria had to be fought out with the home authorities, who preferred the older methods. Of more immediate importance to Clifford in mid1919, however, were the problems he inherited from Lugard. The colonial office expected the western areas to be subjected to a standard system of traditional rule. It desired a viable central administrative structure that would curb the northern administrations in their tendency to develop policies at variance with the rest of Nigeria. The colonial office also called for improved relations with the educated elite. It wished to extend taxation to the eastern provinces. With regard to each of these, Lugard had, by design or inadvertence, either ignored the existence of trouble or had forced unwanted policies upon Africans. Using this affair as an excuse, Lugard then abrogated the 1893 treaty and declared Egbaland to be a part of the protectorate of Nigeria. An official investigation of the shooting at Ijemo was made in 1915, but the report was never made public 41. Although a part of Nigeria, Egbaland continued to be administered differently from the neighboring Yoruba areas after the Ijemo affair until 1918. Then Lugard, with the acquiescence of the colonial office, extended his scheme of indirect rule and taxation to the area. In June of that year, the most serious civil disorders ever to strike Nigeria under British governance occurred in the Abeokuta area. These were caused by a combination of factors; the most important were remembrance of the Ijemo massacre, dissatisfaction of the chiefs, hostility toward the chief Egba advisor to the resident, weakness of the Alake, and open opposition to Lugard's schemes, which ran counter to Egba tradition. Many of the towns surrounding Abeokuta sided with the protesters, the railway and telegraph lines were torn up, property was looted and destroyed, and one European was killed. Fortunately for Lugard, there were troops in Nigeria returning from the East African campaign, and he was able to deal swiftly with the uprising. In the ensuing campaign-which lasted from June 11 through July 10-the British deployed a total of 70 Europeans and 2,500 African rank and file, and an estimated 564 Africans were killed in the fighting 42. The uprising at Abeokuta was an embarrassment to the home government and called into question Lugard's management of the Egba problem. The colonial office could not ignore the Abeokuta disturbance as they had ignored the affair at Ijemo. Lugard reluctantly appointed a five-man committee under the direction of Dr. James Maxwell to investigate the uprising. Lugard left Nigeria before any decisions had been made concerning possible guilt of British officials, indemnification, changes in administrative procedure in Egbaland, or whether Maxwell's report should be made public. They considered that Clifford was premature in criticizing so harshly Lugard's administration and ascribed this not to Clifford's logic and honesty but to jealousy of Lugard 43. Clifford was able to avert the premature extension of taxation to the east, before the local government system had been reformed, only by resorting to clever delaying tactics, Although absent, Lugard through his reputation in official circles still continued to exercise tremendous influence on the government of Nigeria. Still others saw Clifford's criticisms as a further manifestation of envy of Lugard 46. Lugard had been convinced that true native administration could be effective only when there were functioning native treasuries. This dogmatic concept had led to premature introduction of taxing systems to the Yoruba states. Only World War I and the opposition of the colonial office had prevented the extension of taxation to the Ibo and Ibibio peoples of the east 47. His report, although not as abrasive or as critical of Lugard's system as Grier's, underscored the need for a general revision of the administrative system. Lugard had certainly not been a good administrator. He liked to be at the center; he would not delegate authority to anyone. Instead of supporting his secretariat, he chose to ignore it in many cases, preferring to labor unnecessarily hard on the mountains of paper that accumulated on his desk. By this date Clifford had found that his chief secretary, Donald Cameron, a man largely ignored by Lugard, matched his own brilliance and was in addition a complete master of the bureaucratic complexities of the government of Nigeria. In 1914 Lugard had emasculated the old legislative council and renamed its impo,ent successor the Nigerian council. Before his arrival in Nigeria in 1919, the Lagos Weekly Record in a major editorial welcomed him as one whose "golden record in Crown Colony administration" promised well for Nigeria in the wake of Sir Frederick Lugard's "nefarious administration. 57 When Clifford left in 1925, there were no such fulsome outpourings. He could, nevertheless, look back on six years of constructive change. The Nigerian government at all levels was far stronger than the loose, almost chaotic entity he had inherited from Lugard. Clifford played as important a part in the formulation and development of the principles of indirect rule in West Africa as Lugard did. 39. Correspondence between Walter Long and Lugard from April 1917 to December 1918 in Lugard Papers, Mss. 40. For a reinterpretation of Lugard's administration see Nicolson, Administration of Nigeria, pp. 180-250. 41. For the background of British activity in Egbaland see A. K. Ajasafe, A History of Abeokuta (Abeokuta, 1924); Margery Perham, Lugard: the Years of Authority, 1889-1945 (London, 1960), pp. 456, 449-450; Colonial Office Paper, Africa (West), no. 1070, confidential, Report by Sir F. D. Lugard on the Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria, and administration, 1912-1919 (London, 1919); for the commission of inquiry report, March 1915, see C.O. 583134. 42. The most comprehensive treatment of the Abeokuta uprising is contained in the Maxwell report in C.O. 583172; see also "Report from Lt. Col. Feneran, 0. C. West African Service Brigade, to Lugard, 9 Aug. 1918," in C.O. 583/68. 47. Harcourt to Lugard, 14 August 1914 and 30 April 1915, in Chief Secretary Office (hereinafter cited C. S. 0.) file 9/1/18, Federal Archives, lbadan. 57. Lagos Weekly Record, 14 June 1919, reprinted in A. H. M. Kirk-Greene, ed., Lugard and the Amalgamation of Nigeria: A Documentary Record (London, 1968), pp. 278-281.