(107 Total References)
Yudhoyono won the 2004 ...
Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election, defeating incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri.
had wanted to join the army since he
was a child.
In school, he
developed a reputation as an academic achiever, excelling in writing poems, short stories, and play-acting.
was also talented in music and sport, reflected when he
friends established a volleyball club called ''Klub Rajawali'' and a band called ''Gaya Teruna''.
was in fifth grade, Yudhoyono
visited the Indonesian Armed Forces Academy
After seeing the soldiers training there and perhaps inspired by his own father's career, Yudhoyono became determined to join Indonesian Armed Forces and become a soldier.
planned to enlist after graduating from high school in 1968; however, he
missed the registration period.
Yudhoyono then became a student at the Tenth of November Institute of Technology before entering the Vocational Education Development Center in Malang, East Java.
was able to prepare everything for the next phase of his
education at Akabri
officially entered AKABRI
in 1970 after passing the test in Bandung.
Yudhoyono spent three years at Indonesian Armed Forces Academy (AKABRI) and became the Commander of the Cadet Corps Division there.
He graduated from AKABRI as second lieutenant in 1973, and as the best graduate of the year, received the prestigious Adhi Makayasa medal from President Suharto.
After graduating, Yudhoyono joined the Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) and became a platoon commander in the 330th Airborne Battalion.
Aside from leading his
was also tasked with giving the battalion soldiers lessons on general knowledge and English.
Yudhoyono's proficiency in English was one of the reasons why he
was sent to the United States to undertake the Airborne and Ranger Courses at Fort Benning in 1975.
Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia in 1976 where he became a platoon commander in the 305th Battalion and assigned to Indonesian-occupiedEast Timor.
had several tours of duty there and, like many other Indonesian officers involved in the occupation of East Timor, was accused of committing war crimes.
has never been charged with any specific act.
From East Timor, Yudhoyono became a mortar platoon commander in 1977, an operations officer for an airborne brigade from 1977 to 1978, and a battalion commander at Kostrad from 1979 to 1981.
then spent 1981 and 1982 working at the Army headquarters.
While working at the Army headquarters, Yudhoyono
was sent to the United States again, this time to participate in the Infantry Officer Advanced Course at Fort Benning and in training with the 82nd Airborne Division.
also spent time in Panama and went through the jungle warfare school.
When Yudhoyono returned in 1983, he was made Commander of the Infantry Trainers' School.
It was not long before he
was abroad again, this time to Belgium and West Germany, to undertake the Antitank weapons Course.
In 1985, Yudhoyono
also took a Battalion Commando Course in Malaysia.
From 1986 to 1988, Yudhoyono served with the Udayana Area Military Command, which covers Bali and the Lesser Sunda Islands.
Yudhoyono was a battalion commander from 1986 to 1988 and was part of the operational staff in 1988.
In 1989, Yudhoyono became a lecturer at the Army Staff College (Seskoad) and delivered a presentation entitled "ABRI's Professionalism at the Present and in the Future".
Together with Agus Wirahadikusumah, Yudhoyono
published a book entitled "The Challenges of Development".
Whilst at Seskoad
also took the opportunity to further his
own military education.
went to the US Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas
While in the United States, he took the opportunity to obtain an MA degree in business management from Webster University in 1991.
In 1992, Yudhoyono was transferred to the Army Information Department and worked as a speech writer for General Edi Sudrajat, the Army Chief of Staff.
In 1993, when Edi became Commander of the Military of Indonesia (ABRI), Yudhoyono joined Edi's personal staff.
A year later, Yudhoyono was the Operations Assistant at Jaya (Jakarta) Military Area Command before taking command IV/Diponegoro Military Area Command in Central Java.
had one more stint overseas when he
chief military observer of the United Nation Peacekeeping Force in Bosnia in 1995-96.
When Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia, he was made KODAM Jaya chief of staff before being appointed as KODAM II/Sriwijaya commander.
In this position, Yudhoyono
was responsible for military operations in southern Sumatra.
He served in this position until 1997, when he was appointed chief of staff for social-political affairs.
At the same time, he was also appointed Chairman of the ABRI Faction in the People's Consultative Assembly General Session and participated in Suharto's election to a seventh term as President.
During the days which would lead to Suharto's resignation in May 1998, Yudhoyono and pro-reform ABRI officers conducted meetings and discussions with Nurcholish Madjid, a secular pro-reform Muslim leader.
accepted the fact that Suharto should resign but like the ABRI
officers who went to the meeting with him, was reluctant to withdraw their support of Suharto publicly, much less ask for Suharto's resignation.
then became known in the media as "the thinking general".
Yudhoyono was appointed Mining and Energy Minister in the cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid in 1999.
However, Wahid rejected the idea and Yudhoyono became the Minister of Mining and Energy instead.
At the same time, Yudhoyono
military career with the rank of Lieutenant General, although he
would be made honorary General in 2000.
In August 2000, after a Cabinet reshuffle, Yudhoyono became the Coordinating Minister for Politic and Security Affairs.
One of his
tasks was to separate the army from politics.
This was in line with his
reformist ideas on the future of Indonesian military, and is a view he
has held since his
days in an army policy center.
said at that time:
Another task that Yudhoyono
was given was as an intermediary between Wahid and the Suharto family.
was sent by Wahid to convey this wish and to negotiate with the former first family.
was not successful in this venture.
At the beginning of 2001, with political pressure increasing on him, Wahid ordered Yudhoyono to form a crisis centre with Yudhoyono as Chairman The purpose of this crisis centre was to assist the president in giving policy advice and was headquartered at Yudhoyono's office.
It seemed as if because of this appointment, Yudhoyono
could be considered one of Wahid's men, however Yudhoyono would break ranks from Wahid in July 2001 when the latter was facing impeachment.
In desperation, Wahid issued a decree freezing the People's Representative Council
(DPR) and then asked Yudhoyono
to declare a state of emergency to further strengthen his position.
refused to accept this, and Wahid dismissed him.
A few days later when the MPR assembled to elect a new Vice President, Yudhoyono threw his name in the hat and competed against Golkar's Akbar Tanjung and United Development Party's (PPP) Hamzah Haz.
Yudhoyono and Akbar lost out to Hamzah who became the vice president.
Yudhoyono was appointed to his old position of Coordinating Minister of Political and Security Affairs in Megawati's new cabinet.
After the October 2002 Bali bombing, he
oversaw the hunt for and arrest of those responsible, and gained a reputation both in Indonesia
and abroad as one of the few Indonesian politicians serious about the War on Terrorism.
speech during the one year anniversary of the Bali bombing (in which many Australians were killed) was praised by the Australian media and public.
also dealt with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), a separatist movement wanting to separate the Province of Aceh from Indonesia
advice, Megawati declared martial law in Aceh on 19 May 2003.
This martial law was then extended in November 2003.
indonesia wikileak cables president yudhoyono
1. (S/NF) Notes on Yudhoyono's inner circle... Notional uranium sale to Iran dead... Ba'asyir lawyer tied to State
seen by politicians as figures with good access to Yudhoyono.
Names we have heard recently which are not widely seen as close to Yudhoyono include Yasin, associated with the
These political figures assumed that Yudhoyono and his team must have used a network
of Megawati as his Vice President if Yudhoyono were forced from office by mass protests, and Kalla were to become
End Note.) In a parenthetical remark, T.B. noted that President Yudhoyono shared the most sensitive
to President Yudhoyono, protecting Yudhoyono from the potential liabilities that could arise if Yudhoyono were to deal with Tomy directly. (Comment: Dave Laksono did not provide a specific time frame for this information.
Jusuf Kalla selected Soemarsono as Golkar Secretary General on the recommendation of President Yudhoyono.
Lately, however, our contacts have questioned Soemarsono's loyalty to Yudhoyono; one member of Golkar's Central Board told us Soemarsono is trying to play Kalla off against Golkar Deputy General Chairman Agung Laksono, and to create his own faction within Golkar.
The Indonesian government has rejected corruption allegations made against president Yudhoyono in US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks.
The claims have caused friction between Indonesia and the United States.
"Yudhoyono's remarks left the public critical of his leadership and provided no clear end to these continuing issues," the paper quoted one cable as saying.
In one cable sent in November of 2009, Yudhoyono was criticized as failing to quell the growing and soon to be major crisis involving alleged attempts to bring down the nation's respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in the infamous cicak (gecko) versus buaya (alligator) scandal.
The cable said Yudhoyono, in response to the scandal and another involving the Bank Century case, had only provided authorities with "vague guidance" for the police and Attorney General's Office.
"Yudhoyono's remarks left the public critical of his leadership and provided no clear end to these continuing issues."
The cable also noted that the "controversies have sidetracked Yudhoyono's plans to use his first 100 days to develop an action orientated program for the next years."
Yudhoyono has previously been forced to deny allegations contained in US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks of improper conduct, including that his family had received money from banking and construction tycoon Tomy Winata.
It was also alleged that the president used Indonesian intelligence to spy on his political rivals.
This time it's not about abusing power by Yudhoyono, but the ministers under his rule.
Coordinating Minister of economy Hatta Raja mentioned as a strong ally of Yudhoyono although not considered to have a track record of economic reform.
Not yet clear is, unlike the case of "abusing power" that was published in the Sydney Morning Herald that reportedly could make first lady Ani Yudhoyono moved to tears.
Mr and Mrs Yudhoyono did not meet President and Mrs. Obama upon
The Ambassador would not comment publicly on the leaked cables but praised Mr Yudhoyono's record in office.
They have been vehemently denied by Dr Yudhoyono and people cited in the cables as sources.
Mr Obama was to have telephoned Dr Yudhoyono on Friday but ''when the WikiLeaks thing broke, it didn't happen'', said one source, adding the purpose of the call was to discuss the approaching East Asia Summit in Indonesia.
It is believed the US cancelled the call after discussions with officials from Dr Yudhoyono's palace.
Last night, speaking for the first time about the WikiLeaks cables, Dr Yudhoyono labelled the allegations untrue and a character assassination. ''Believe me, I am accountable for what I do.
I, God willing, will continue to maintain the integrity because that is my duty as leader of this country,'' he said.
But US-Indonesian relations have been strained by the cables and their reports Dr Yudhoyono blocked a corruption probe into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas, used intelligence services to spy on rivals and received funding from businessman Tomy Winata through a middleman.
An analyst with the political consultancy LSI Burhanudin Muhtadi said Dr Yudhoyono was angry about the cables. ''SBY sees himself as an international darling,'' he said. ''He is very upset that the US embassy in Indonesia was spying on him and reporting in such an improper and unhappy manner.''
Instead of enjoying what should be a triumphant second term after winning re-election in 2009, President Yudhoyono is mired in political scandal and parliamentary intrigue.
Rumors that a potential shake-up in the governing coalition could bring Prabowo Subianto into government have caused alarm among Indonesian moderates.
Gen. Prabowo was head of the Indonesian army's special forces unit during the Suharto era, during which they were implicated in human rights abuses.
The image of the popular Mr. Yudhoyono negotiating with such a figure has his political opponents licking their chops.
Meanwhile, human rights advocates are alarmed by the Yudhoyono government's tepid responses to videotaped evidence of horrific human rights abuses committed by Indonesian security forces in Papua last year.
American policy makers are also privately grousing about the difficulty of cooperation with their Indonesian counterparts.
On issues from promotion of democracy in Burma to security cooperation, the U.S. has found Indonesian responses disappointing and the authorities difficult to deal with.
Mr. Yudhoyono also has responded weakly to resurgent Islamists, who seem intent on setting the agenda in the absence of his leadership.
After a gruesome video surfaced in February of three members of the Muslim religious minority Ahmadiyah sect being attacked during prayers and beaten to death, the president issued a faint condemnation and call for an investigation, but has done little to protect the group.
He finally spoke out after a series of letter bombs sent to moderate political and religious figures in recent weeks targeted a member of his own party.
The bombs, which police have linked to a splinter group of the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist organization, seem to have shaken Mr. Yudhoyono, but whether this will lead to more aggressive political leadership against Indonesia's Islamists remains an open question.
Rather than a triumphant second term, Mr. Yudhoyono, who has been president since October 2004, seems to be encountering a phenomenon well known to American politicians: the "seven-year itch.
Mr. Yudhoyono himself seems at a loss as to how to regain his mojo.
He is now seen preoccupied with shuffling seats in the legislature and playing to his voter galleries, including dangerous groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
Unfortunately, Mr. Yudhoyono's crisis of confidence comes at a time when Indonesia is hitting a tricky passage in its democratization.
Mr. Yudhoyono is facing a vicious cycle: The more he is seen getting his hands dirty with retail politics and legislative horse-trading, the further he diminishes his brand as a clean and forceful leader.
That in turn only reduces his political effectiveness.
To regain momentum in the final years of his presidency, Mr. Yudhoyono should draw lessons from successful two-term American presidents.
He needs to delegate more of the nitty-gritty of politics to trusted deputies, and devote his effort to public leadership on over-arching policy responses that address Indonesia's domestic economic, social and security issues in ways that reinforce liberalizing trends.
Indonesians voted for Mr. Yudhoyono because they wanted a leader who could take their democracy to the next level.
He has three years left, which is enough time to make an indelible mark on Indonesia and put the country on a positive trajectory, but only if he has the requisite political will to forge ahead.
The group says it is unhappy about The Age article headlined "Yudhoyono `abused power'", alleging it accuses the president of behaving inappropriately
The US cables - leaked exclusively to Fairfax Media and published on Friday in the Herald and The Age - allegedly accused Yuhoyono of trying to influence judges and prosecutors to protect his corrupt political allies.
The published cables also said he used the country's intelligence service to spy on his rivals and that his family were trying to use his political connections for their own financial gains.
"The cables did not say Yudhoyono had abused power so their h
JAKARTA: The issue of espionage by ...
JAKARTA: The issue of espionage by Australia on Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and other leaders in the region was also a subject of discussion between Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak and Yudhoyono during their annual consultation here with both leaders agreeing it should be given attention by ASEAN.
Najib said Malaysia agreed with Susilo that the espionage issue should be addressed regionally, particularly among ASEAN member countries.
"I agreed with the Indonesian President that the matter should be raised at the next ASEAN Summit.
"When the President(of Indonesia )tables the matter, Malaysia will give its full backing," he told a joint press conference after their annual consultation at Istana Merdeka at the Presidential Palace Complex here today.
Najib's delegation at the meeting comprised eight cabinet ministers while Yudhoyono led a delegation involving 19 members of his Cabinet.
The annual event hosted alternatively between the two countries is a platform for both leaders to further boost cooperation in various areas and seek solutions on issues affecting bilateral ties.
At the press conference, Yudhoyono welcomed the commitment of Malaysia to work with Indonesia in combating the issue of spying on Asean by other countries.
"On this issue, we are jointly calling on Asean countries to be united in rejecting espionage.
I believe mutual trust and respect are important in international relations.
"As such, I am happy the Prime Minister of Malaysia will be fully supporting an initiative which I will be taking at the next Asean Summit," he said.
The Indonesian government had recently taken a firm stand to criticise Australia which was seen as violating its rights and disrespecting their bilateral relations when the country was reported to be spying on several Indonesian leaders.
The issue of espionage received extensive coverage after two leading Australia media, the Guardian Australia and Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) exposed secret documents of the Australian Defence Department which revealed Australia was tapping communicatiosn of Indonesia's President and the First Lady, Ani Yudhoyono as well as several other government leaders.
The President Post
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Mrs. Ani Yudhoyono begins state visit to Mongolia and Russia.
President, Mrs. Ani Yudhoyono, and some Indonesia Minister departed from Halim Perdana Kusuma Airport, Jakarta, at 08.00 today.
It's intruded into the private lives ...
It's intruded into the private lives of Indonesian key political and government figures, not least the President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the First Lady, Ani Yudhoyono.
Briefly put, Yudhoyono expected Australia to see Indonesia as a 'normal country'.
This is why despite the recurring irritants in the relationship, such as the cattle issue or even Australia's granting of asylum status to West Papuan separatists, relations eventually would get back on track.
The fact that Yudhoyono was granted the honour to be the first Indonesian President to speak before the Australian parliament further reinforced his trust toward Australia.
After all, Canberra has touted Yudhoyono's non-official title as the best Indonesian President Australia has ever had.
But Yudhoyono has learnt from this incident that his personal trust toward Australia is and has never been reciprocated to the same degree from Canberra.
In Australia, prime ministers can come and go, but the trust deficit between Australia's semi-autonomous intelligence community and Jakarta seems to be a constant.
And the fact that Australia's wiretapping also included Indonesia's senior political and government figures further attests that this isn't just a personal attack against the President, but can also be perceived as an affront toward Indonesia as a nation.
Perhaps the story would have been different had it been only Yudhoyono, or one of his ministers.
Yudhoyono is a very private person, and he takes his personal image very, very seriously.
Hence, his political opponents often criticise Yudhoyono's behaviour and policies as politik pencitraan(image politics).
But this isn't uncommon for most Indonesian leaders.
We can recall the David Jenkins affair that severely affronted Suharto and his family, and the Wikileaks incident that deeply offended Ani Yudhoyono.
As a senior military officer in the mid-1990s, then as a leading cabinet minister and finally President, Yudhoyono personally assisted the deepening of broader official ties.
He knows Australia well and one of his sons was educated in Perth.
Yudhoyono also understands, arguably better than any of his predecessors, the profound cultural divide that will forever separate Indonesia and Australia.
This week's unprecedented leak of top secret documents detailing Australia's signals intelligence efforts in targeting of the mobile phones of Yudhoyono, his wife and his key leadership group in 2009 came as a slap in the face to the Indonesian leader.
Late yesterday came the predictable response from Jakarta in answer to Prime Minister Abbott's reluctance to clarify the 2009 efforts to listen to the Indonesia leader's mobile phone calls.
Yudhoyono suspended defence, intelligence and security cooperation, including Indonesian military activities aimed at curbing people-smuggling pending a full explanation from Canberra.
Yudhoyono now seeks a fresh protocol on intelligence cooperation with Canberra.
He has put his concerns in writing to Tony Abbott.
Yudhoyono is well aware of the broad scope and long-standing nature of Australia's signals intelligence gathering against Indonesia.
Sigint collection focused on Jakarta has been a priority task for the Australian Signals Directorate and its predecessors for more than 50 years.
Beginning with Konfrontasi in the early 1960s and continuing through Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in 1975 and successive crises in bilateral relations in the mid-1980s and over East Timor again in 1999, Australian intelligence agencies have regularly conducted signals intelligence operations across the archipelago.
But it's the scale of targeted intrusion into personal communications within the Presidential palace by Australia, as revealed by Edward Snowden, that caused Yudhoyono to talk of a 'violation of the strategic partnership with Indonesia'.
Abbott told Yudhoyono:
With a presidential election due next year, nationalist sentiment is on the rise in Indonesia and Australia has always been an easy low-cost target for disgruntled politicians in Jakarta. 'The most persistent problem in our relations', Yudhoyono observed in 2010, 'is the persistence of age-old stereotypes-misleading simplistic caricatures that put the other side in a bad light'.
Nothing has changed in that regard.
We don't know to what extent the Prime Minister knew of Australia's electronic eavesdropping on Indonesia after he took office.
Unlike Barack Obama in the Merkel case, the Prime Minister is disinclined to apologise to Yudhoyono over the Snowden leaks.
However, what has generated the current furore is not the general picture but rather the specifics that Australia has been monitoring-or at least has made very good attempts to monitor-the private conversations of President Yudhoyono, his wife and his entourage.
Indeed for President Yudhoyono to publicly express his unhappiness by the use of Twitter is unprecedented.